Category: Uncategorized

In reaction to Nuer Youth outrageous message on Gen. Gatwic’s detention

BY: Thomas Tut Doap, JUBA, OCT. 23/2012, SSN;
As a mature and well-informed member of the Nuer community, I would like to enlighten the public at large that what has been circulating in the media these days is unbecoming, given the fact that it promotes the tribal sentiments. I have been closely following the events from all media outlets, but failed to see and hear any meaningful response from the members of our community, who are also members of our government.

Mr. Chuol Rambang, the Chairperson of the South Sudan Peace Commissions message does not carry enough weight to dissuade the negative ramifications that would be brought about by the youth actions, following Maj-Gen. Simon Gatwec detention.

For this author, if Gen. Simon Gatwec was arrested because of being a Nuer, as those youth wanted us to believe, the negative reaction would have started in Bilpam, where the Minister of Defence, the Chief of General Staff, and many more Generals are Nuer.

Having said that, this writer has all the rights and responsibilities to address this issue as follows:

1. Those Nuer youth who are trying to mingle things up by applying wrong information that will produce disaster to all innocent people must be adviced that we are in an independent country, where things must be done systematically.

2. Nuer Youth must be told that having a big gap with their elderly community will never solve their problem. I am saying this because, if what happened to Simon Gatwec was a wrong thing, our people who are in the leadership would have approached the president and advised him accordingly. Therefore, what they are trying to preach is and will not receive any support from our grown up community which is fully aware of what happened. As such, they must not allow themselves to be lugged into a situation they do not have more details about.

3. Gen. Isaac Mabutu Mamuor was detained by the same authority, which detained Gat Dual, but there was no negative reaction from Lutuku community. Does that mean Mabutu is not being loved by his people, or Lutuku are cowards? Where is Gen Mamuor today? He was released and re-instated into the Rank and File of the same Army. By applying violent behavior to release Uncle Gat Dual is only jeopardizing his future.

4. This country is now free and independent through Youth strength, but if you misuse your strength and turn against one another, then forget about your statement which said, *As youth, we believe that a peaceful South Sudan is our priority and will benefit us more than President Kiir who is getting old. The future of South Sudan belongs to the youth and we are the last sector of Nuer community to see South Sudan on fire.*

5. If history could not be a good teacher, then what are we going to learn from it? If being a Nuer is really what matters, why did most Nuer intellectuals and military officers desert Riek Machaars Nasir faction and re-join SPLM/A main stream led by Dinka? Please be advice to think big and open-minded. Observe, analyse and see things positively and in the big picture.

6. You are now calling for other tribes to help you fight Dinka. Take it from me here that that call has fallen into deaf ears. No single tribe will ever unite with Nuer to fight Dinka, they will only be making fun of you. Other tribes could unite with you only when you call them to win a peaceful and democratically conducted election. Gone are the yester-years when physical strengths were useful. We must use our intellectual power to correct things.

7. It never happened and never will happen to any President to be intimidated by a tribal youth organization which is acting in isolation to change an executive order. NBG (Northern Bahr elgazal state) youth had tried something like that, but miserably failed. Dinka Bor Youth organization had a similar call, but nothing changed.

Therefore, Maj. Gen Simon Gatwec Dual will be released when the time comes for that and not because the Nuer youth have declared war on Dinka. You are causing tribal tensions which could be exploited by our real enemies to harm the whole nation.

As long as the earth remains, there will be no Nuer government without Dinka and vice versa. Do not show our blind side to the world because of a solvable glitch. This is one of the political hiccups that is better left for the leadership to deal with, and not at the youth level as you think.

This is my advice to you my sons and daughters. Do not lose hope on your nation. Things will get changed, peacefully.

Mile 14 in the Security Arrangement: Failure, Arrogance or Lack of Popular Understanding?

BY: GEORGE GARANG AHER, WESTERN AUSTRALIA, OCT. 21/2012, SSN;
South Sudan politics is beginning to move along the customary of realpolitik. Just recently, the populace living on the new countrys borders voiced their misgivings over land issues in the governments agreement with Khartoum. Their grievances appear to have been ignored without proper explanations and the political latitude tilted towards religion. South Sudan is now sending her first independent black Muslims to Mecca on a presidential sanction to cast their pebbles at kaaba al musharraffa (the black stone) in a ritual move that will define one of the SPLMs premises of the New Sudan built on equality of all races and favouring freedom of religion.

As many South Sudanese do not hold any bad feelings towards those who have fought to have their freedom of worship recognised in the theology of colour-blindness, expectations are that the same support the president extended to potential black sheikhs, where they must travel to Saudi Arabia without having to go through any religious medium, be also extended to those who fought for so long to gain the land and oil resources within it.

Two days after South Sudan legislative assembly ratified the nine bilateral agreements including Mile 14 in a near unanimous vote, the Minister of Petroleum and Mining, Stephen Dhieu, ordered oil companies to commence operation with immediate effect through Sudans oil infrastructures. The timing could not be any perfect for the petrified and internationally cornered government of South Sudan that saw the first ever peaceful demonstrations by the citizens against it.

The people of Northern Bahr el Ghazal and other citizens who disapproved of the oil agreement did not see the security arrangement relating to Mile 14 as just a pen and paper temporary arrangement as mediators would want all to believe, but in terms of land and the legal backdrop attached to it.

Unlike the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the two Sudans – a model of accomplishment that should have been adopted for peaceful deliberations by South Sudans ruling party (The SPLM) with Sudan which was first communicated to the citizens from grassroots to diaspora by late Dr. John Garang, the already missed savviest negotiator and architect of peace in the Sudan – oil agreement becomes visible to have been a shove down the throat to the citizens.

If there is anything that South Sudan government must be credited for, it is the sincerity and easy lending of its sensitive documentations, classified or otherwise. The nine bilateral agreements instantaneously hit the web the moment they were signed in Addis Ababa on the 27 September, 2012 and by the time president Kiir and his mediators arrived in Juba, South Sudan capital, the populace had already gurgled the contents of the agreement and were waiting to hear from their face-down heroes.

When this awareness took a little longer, mile 14 people, Abyei people and the people of Panthou, Karsana and other contested areas made no concealed articulation of their fears. They demonstrated on the streets of Juba and around South Sudan parliament amidst gunfire in the air. Inside the parliament the president was not substantively convincing the lawmakers to make the right decision but coerced them to ratify the agreement through his hard language and denigration of the protesters outside the building.

But what exactly is in the security arrangement involving Mile 14 between Sudan and South Sudan that warranted mediators and president arrogance in communicating with the South Sudanese affected by the agreement?

The agreement was actually simple. A high school student or a sophomore dropout without difficulty could understand it. It is this simplicity that the people quickly understood it. And in simple summary, it can be stated that the security arrangement over mile 14 deviated from the CPA path and the essence of fighting for the land and the negotiators, under pressure, created by admission of a problem from out of the blue thereby subjecting the land of Dinka Malual to future legal contest.

It had further exposed and compromised the security of the people in area who had for ages battled for their survival single-handedly in the hope that a future nation in which they would be part of would not kowtow under any stress but to stand with them.

This summary has no nonsensical legal jargon that needs consultancy. It is therefore surprising that South Sudanese mediators and the president would dare question the intellectual capability of millions who read the document in totality and who felt it was a game of oil flow but in a wrong calculation that will eventually haunt them.

I remember sitting a few meters from the SPLM negotiating panel at Kenyatta International Conference Centre in Nairobi, Kenya in 2004 where Dr. Garang gave a lengthy deconstruction of the Machakos protocols and the intricate arithmetic of oil sharing. When asked about the reason behind equal oil quota allocation in wealth sharing agreement, his argument was fairly simple.

He urged his people to accept fifty percent and use their referendum vote to get the other fifty percent. It is therefore the leader that must have the propensity to make complex agreements clear before adopting them in a binding agreement rather than gloating in a manner suggestive of a reverse of an argument.

South Sudan negotiators, including president Kiir might have a completely different interpretation of the security arrangement about mile 14. This is not a new obsession in the Sudanese politics where the truth is often absurdly entrapped in the opposite plane in order to cause confusion, delay, suffering and domestic and international frustration.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement, negotiated by Dr. Garang, the then sage negotiator for the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army, SPLA, and a soft spoken but powerful vice president of the Sudan, Ali Osman Taha, whose portfolio went to John Garang immediately after the implementation modality went into effect, referred to Abyei referendum participants in two words: Ngok Dinka and others.

Legal experts during the Sudanese peace talks should have known that the word other was the only ambiguous word that any enemies would find any peace with. Abyei referendum is today held hostage by the simple, yet politically loaded term, other. And the word is dragging the Sudans into each other every minute of every day and putting the Ngok Dinka of Abyei and other proper in the abyss of the politics of survival.

It is this assigning of absurdity, double dealing, and what Eric Reeves, a Smith College professor with special interest in Darfur and now the Sudans calls a moral equivalence that differentiates, complicates and sets the parallels in the citizens understanding of the bilateral agreement and president Kiirs and mediators uncommunicated intention of the oil flow first.

The Sudanese and South Sudanese politicians seem to have been misled by past colonial agreements. However, colonial and condominium agreements in the Sudan were not right. Had they been fair, there would have been no wars.

The 1924 Munroe-Wheatley agreement described by Douglas H. Johnson in his book, When boundaries become borders, the impact of boundary making in Southern Sudan frontier zone, seems to have induced a campaign of the border between Sudan and South Sudan and with Rizeigat copying the notoriety that Messeriya Arabs play in Abyeis referendum exercise. We must remember that Munroe-Wheatley agreement initially built on other grazing and hunting rights arrangements of the citizens between Sudan, where Dinka Malual were subjects and Rizeigat, who were citizens of Darfur Sultanate, later annexed to Sudan in 1916.

In fact, and much to the chagrin of South Sudanese who were not at ease with the current security arrangement involving Mile14, the book, published in 2010, has hinted on page 45 that GoSS had earlier considered demilitarisation of mile 14. The predetermined demilitarisation will therefore leave many to question whether recent Addis Ababa oil agreement was a pre-emptive ratification of government policy regarding Mile 14 by the negotiators, and if so, what then were the security guarantees for the people living in the area?

Dissimilar to the Sudanese mediators who sometimes admit guilt and shed tears, their South Sudanese counterparts have no nonsense in the politics of apologies. Once confronted, as was the case of Mile 14, they beat their chests in a gorilla-style show of force and swing any blame back to the people in a new bag stamped on as lack of understanding and failure to read the agreement.

President Kiir had been on record where he is seen to have taken side in the row but took matters to a higher level. He boasted to the demonstrators outside the national assembly about the length of time he spent fighting for the land, which he was accused of surrendering to Sudan through admittance of contention over it. Little was he aware that in the crowd were SPLA veterans who, in 1982 had already joined the Anya Nya Two and fought for the land while he was still speculating whether to take to bush or not.

Logically, if arrogance and wealth were to be awarded in South Sudan based on the length of time in the service, then the lion share still has not found the right consumers.

Actions of South Sudan government following disagreement with the Sudan over oil transit fees are indeed a conjecture that should allow people to question the par excellence of SPLM political negotiations skills and gun-wielding bluffs.

The recent agreement that fits a relationship of commensalism with Sudan have raised doubts among the majority of the people, with some introspecting if late Dr. Garang were to be alive, whether he would have been threatened by a leak on oil pipeline, his nations vital artery to the point of summarily shutting it down without arrangements in place, or whether he would, as a consequence of oil theft during export, encourage South Sudanese, through adding more lands to the contest, to enter a post CPA relationship of commensalism with Sudan?

Even nobody knows what other leaders would do in a similar situation, proper imagination is that the nation house of law would implement the codes of democracy bequeathed upon it.

As for the legislative assembly of South Sudan, we are yet to witness its democratic independence where the power to ratify an agreement for oil flows has equal measure with the power to order a shut down.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not of the website)
Martin Garang is a South Sudanese living in Western Australia. He can be reached at garangaher@hotmail.com.

Nuer Youth call for anti-government mobilization as leader arrested by South Sudan security

Media Release

Nuer Youth Executive Council, Juba, South Sudan

Main points:
* Peter Tut Hoth, Nuer Youth president forcefully arrested by Military intelligence, allegedly all Dinka
* SPLA Chief-of-Staff, James Hoth Mai, dismissed and banned from Nuer activities
* All Nuers in Kiir’s government asked to resign en mass
* Nuer call for mobilization with other tribes against current government of president Kiir

OCT. 20/2012, SSN; The Nuer Youth Executive leadership is profoundly disturbed to inform the whole world that the Nuer Youth leader, Peter Tut Hoth, was detained at 6 am in Juba by ten armed members of SPLA Military Intelligence (MI). The reason for his detention is because he scheduled a meeting of entire Nuer community to take place on Saturday, October 20, between 1—5pm.

On October, 19, 2012, the security agents of the government warned the leadership of Nuer Youth not to go ahead with the meeting. However, the Nuer Youth Executive leadership rejected the intimidations and decided that the meeting should take place as scheduled.

The whereabouts of Peter Tut Hoth is unknown and the entire Nuer community is concerned about his safety. He was picked up by heavily armed security agents all of them from Dinka tribe. He was pushed with the barrels of AK-47s and one agent was heard calling him Nyagat (fifth columnist). The way he was picked up is a cause for concern because our community fears that the security organs may be torturing him by now.

In 1990s, any Nuer deemed as “Nyagat” by the SPLA leadership was likely to be executed in prison. The behavior of the SPLA guerrillas has not changed with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and anyone detained by the SPLA is subject to torture. Besides, the fact that Peter Tut is a Nuer and the security agents who detained him are Dinka is another factor that should cause concern.

Tribal hatred is now on the rise in South Sudan because the SPLA C-in-C has endorsed a policy which targets Nuer community. The Nuer are being regarded as enemies of the state who have no constitutional rights.

Despite the arrest of the leader of Nuer Youth, the meeting took place as scheduled and was attended by all Nuer members of Parliament, ministers, civil servants and army generals including the SPLA Chief-of-General-staff, Lt. Gen. James Hoth Mai.

The Nuer community in general discussed the problem of detention of Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Dual, Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang, Maj. Gen. Mabor Dhol and Brig. Gen. Gatwec Joak. The Nuer community unanimously passed the following resolutions:

1. Lt. Gen. James Hoth Mai, the SPLA Chief-of-General-staff, was dismissed from Nuer community because he violated bylaws of Nuer community which required all members to observe the rights of every Nuer such as right to life, liberty and security of the person. The Nuer general assembly found him to have participated in the assassination attempt against Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang, Maj. Gen. Mabor Dhol and Brig. Gen. Gatwec Joak. He is also found to have endorsed the illegal detention of Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Dual.

Since the Nuer community bylaws required all the members to promote human values such as freedom, justice, equality and the rule of law, James Hoth violated all these principles and is seen to have turned against the values of the community. He is therefore dismissed from the community and was told that he would never participate in any community’s activities.

2. The Nuer Youth in South Sudan were mandated to educate the Nuer in the rural areas about the government’s policies of discriminating the Nuer. The youth are tasked to mobilize the Nuer community to defend themselves from imminent threats of extermination.

3. The community resolved that Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Dual, Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang, Maj. Gen. Mabor Dhol and Brig. Gen. Gatwec Joak should be released as soon as possible. If the Dinka’s government failed to release them, the Nuer Youth are given the responsibility to express their disapproval for their illegal detentions through demonstrations, petitions and mobilizing Nuer chiefs.

4. The Nuer community urged all Nuer members of parliament, military officers, politicians and civil servants to resign from the government of Salva Kiir and stay in their houses. The youth advised elders that the Nuer should not take part in the government which is killing them.

5. The assembly resolved that the Nuer should form an alliance with other South Sudanese who are against oppression and injustice. The Nuer youth are mandated to work with other South Sudan youths who believe that the people of South Sudan deserve a government which respects human rights, ethnic equality and justice.

For contact:

James Gatluak Chol
Information Secretary
Nuer Youth Executive Council
Juba, South Sudan
Email: nueryouthjuba@hotmail.com

South Sudanese skepticism on security deal with Sudan is real

BY: ISAIAH ABRAHAM, JUBA, OCT. 19/2012, SSN; Juba leadership position on the Cooperation Agreement has started to be dismissive and abusive to those questioning some pieces in the agreement. Some of our lawmakers have joined the fray and are out to condemn whoever criticizes the agreement. They have even cracked as there are calling some sections of our society Northern Bahr El Ghazal people versus others. Legislators everywhere have a moral duty to protect the larger interest of the nation and not just their local constituents.

A constituent bigger like South Sudan is what binds us all. It was uncharacteristic, just unfair therefore for lawmakers to abandon local national pressing matters to specific individuals or groups to fight it out. Why leave the border matters to states affected, I have asked such question many times?

MPs for the areas of Mile 14, Abyei and Panthou, Hofra Al Nahas and Kaka are like any other MPs in Western Equatoria, Jonglei, Lakes, etc, whose lands have no dispute with the North.

I found it cruel when the matters in question were left to people affected to sort it out, while the rest of the country goes indifferent. This should not have been the case. The issues of Mile 14, Abyei, Panthou, Hofra Al Nahas are for the entire nation called South Sudan for Northern Bahr El Ghazal, Western Bahr El Ghazal, Western Upper Nile or Northern Upper Nile.

People everywhere are not happy that the negotiators allowed Khartoum a foothold on these lands. We have made a mistake to sign away Mile 14 under the pretext of a buffer zone. No amount of explanation will extinguish the fire of anger against the President and his team on this matter of Mile 14, Panthou and Hofra Al Nahas.

Abyei, Mile 14, Panthou, Hofra Al Nahas and others are becoming disputed because some has entered them by force. These places are 100% South Sudan lands. Our negotiators succumbed to pressure, and hence a failed test for our leadership.

President is to blame squarely on our lands being occupied by Arabs, and now he has gone further to sign away Mile 14. His statement that he will not cede an inch of land to the North comes too late, too little. We are not buying this belated chest thumbing statement from the man we all know his frequent promises. We know him better. No one has faith in Arbitration Court courses.

Who is this that wants to fool us that the argument is not about land but military disengagement? Someone argues that it is just a temporary arrangement to allow forces to disengage and later on the border demarcation will determine the real owners of the land. That is a lie.

Buffer Zone practice is applied when the two sides lay claims on an area. Mile 14 if it becomes a claim area, then we have already such claims areas where one side is left alone – recall Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) is firmly in Panthou, Hofra El Nahas, Kaka and Kofi Kingi, why did the policy of buffers not apply there?

The same way mediators avoided Panthou, Hofra Al Nahas and other lands that are disputed, where Sudanese Armed Forced are embedded or firmly in control, it should have been the case for Mile 14.

Mile 14 has never been a disputed land as do the Southern occupied lands. Mile 14 is used by Rezeigat Arabs during the summer, demilitarizing it after Sudan Army was chased away from there makes it an automatic disputed land.

Badme, a disputed territory at the heart of conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea was awarded in 2002 to Eritrea by UN backed Commission but to date the Ethiopians troops are firmly on the ground. Is that scenario not going to repeat itself in our case for Mile 14, Pantou, Hofra Al Nahas and other disputed areas? I do think so.

Majority of our people are stricken with fear that someone has not articulated well to protect the right of people on our land. We have lost out our rightful lands to Sudan through cowardly and ignorant decisions or both.

Why is it that our leaders want to play politics in the face of an anomaly? This is arrogance at best and skulduggery.

Our leaders know where the truth is, but are not telling it. The issue of Mile 14 and other disputed lands is not a small thing for the head of state to dare sarcastically the people who oppose the deal to go to war.

Sir, people will go to war with you first if you do not stop your clumsy approach to such critical matters of our existence. Khartoum has found a weak character they can manipulate.

In the face of challenges our president has clearly become another challenge to our people. Our people did not elect Kiir to give away our land, and then spew disparagingly at his disgruntled people.

Mr. President sharpened his derogatory remarks against those opposed to the agreement during his address to security officers on Tuesday that those who are unhappy with the agreement are people who were with the Jalaba/Diaspora, and never had time to fight with him in the bush.

How about me, sir, I was with you in one of the battalions (Tiger/Tumsah) you led, what will you say about me? I participated in the demonstration on Monday in Juba, all the way to parliament, to denounce the buffer zone dog for Mile 14. I went there but for reasons known to all. We had expected our lawmakers to reverse the arrangement on Mile 14 and go with the rest of the agreement.

To us, we thought that someone have given away our land in exchange for oil deal with Khartoum. The document should not have gone like that, people. Unfortunately, little did we know that Kiir has become another (Abyei Chief) Deng Majok who exchanged his ancestral land rights for a single meal.

Shame on Kiir and his cohorts! Kiir must go! He is a useless leader this country could have. His foul mouthing is not tolerable anymore.

Get it right and just to emphasize the matter we are trying to say, we are not rejecting the Cooperation Agreement with the Sudan, especially for an agreement that will last for a few years. But if the matter touches land, it becomes so complex to clear even after the expiry time.

The agreement is not all bad. People became happy that at least the oil production will flow again for the economy to resuscitate and that there will be relative harmony between Sudan and South Sudan, once belligerent countries.

But look, there are eight (8) agreements for the intended cooperation, but the one known as security agreement has spoiled the rest. The agreement has no meaning if the issues of Panthou, Kaka, Abyei, Hofra El Nahas and Mile 14 are not resolved. The security agreement should have been thrown out of the window by the lawmakers until grievances or grey areas surrounding these matters are resolved.

This is where we are coming, the issues of land are so grave for anyone to dip his/her fingers into.

Our president should own it up. This is what we are saying and he got to fix it. He failed to show leadership, so do the lawmakers in our land. Our legislators could have torn the document and made amendments before ratifying them.

What is this argument that if the president signs it the document, it cannot be challenged. Who is this god in South Sudan that when he does something it cannot be reversed? Whether Kiir or Garang signed it, people are more supreme. They can redo what has been botched for the good of all.

Mile 14 and Panthou are sold out for no reasons at all. Oil or no oil, we have been cheated by a ruthless clique in Juba. To them the agreement is excellent, the agreement has not been understood, the media has failed to articulate it to the people, reactionary forces are behind the rejection of the agreement, insignificant number in our society, people who objected to the agreement are diaspora and that they also opposed CPA but later cheered it when the flag was raised. That is utter nonsense.

Majority of our people are not opposing the agreement for the sake of it but had hoped that the leadership in Juba would do the necessary changes before going for a law. Bad deals create more troubles than solutions and hence uncalled for under the face of realities surrounding our rights.

My people have suffered under President Kiir and his heartless clique, I have no kind words again against these people. The demonstration we made as people of South Sudan on Monday, not as Northern Bahr El Ghazal people, will go down in history as the beginning of things to come.

Mr. President is not apologetic and this is worrying. The people of this country deserve a leader that respects their views. We have never had problems with him since he accidently ascended to power in 2005, because the situation dictated that people exercise patience.

For the past eight years we have learned bitterly that Mr. Kiir is the problem and should be removed. He has failed us in many fronts, and on this matter of land he must not be forgiven. Our men in uniform in Mile 14 therefore are to remain in their places and let Mulana Makuei, Mbeki or Pagan come and dislodge them by force. AU must deploy any troops around Mile 14. We will see how to go about Panthou and Abyei now that someone is selling our lands to Arabs.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not the website).
Isaiah Abraham lives in Juba; he is on Isaiah_abraham@yahoo.co.uk

The Lack of Growth of our Economy should be blamed on Foreigners who disguised as Investors.

BY: JUMA MABOR, NAIROBI, OCT. 18/2012, SSN; The issue of foreign citizens influx into the nascent Republic of South Sudan has been very controversial and it is not without concern that various commentators have in the past ruthlessly given their strongest sentiments about the worrying occupancy of foreigners at every level of our economy.

At the personal level, I have had reservations on the outburst against the foreigners who go and/or come to South Sudan for business related activities and this position has been motivated and inspired by the consideration that south Sudanese during their struggle for independence were and are still scattered worldwide and the host countries have and had given them the hospitality that they then and now deserved.

However, these statuses were not without some obstacles here or there but determination was the underlying factor that the south Sudanese had as they endured all manner of mistreatment that come with being a foreigner in a far away borders.

It was also during these difficult times that south Sudanese learnt that, besides respecting and upholding the laws of the host state, there were also limitations and boundaries that foreigners cannot cross into with regards to business engagements and other related activities. South Sudanese also learnt that, there are in a host or foreign countries areas of jurisdiction that are non-accessible to foreigners no matter their status in that country.

South Sudanese also got it into their different skulls that their political opinions no matter how extra ordinary and idealistic they maybe are non-consequential in the political scenario of the host state and therefore were never needed. These and other limitations were very much adhered to by the south Sudan nationals in order for them to avoid an embarrassment of deportation and payment of huge and exorbitant fines from the police to the courts although even with all the observance of such laws, 99.9 percent of south Sudanese who went to foreign countries will agree with me that each if not all of them parted with money to support their documents as was the common phrase from our closer neighbors.

What am I aiming at by giving this story? The answer is simple, when I visited south Sudan recently, I, without much hesitations agreed with those who have been enlightening the citizens of South Sudan that the foreigners are the ones frustrating the growth of our economy and of course with the help of some few national perpetrators who intend to loot the meager resources of our infant and virgin nation.

These malicious intentions are being orchestrated at several levels of our economy including the employment of foreign citizens in our civil service but first thing first, I want to share with the readers some of the industries that are exclusively owned by foreigners and they are making a lot of money out of these areas with impunity and improper regulations.

For instance, let us talk about the transport industry and I urge my readers to understand this sector as including the airlines, the bus companies, the mini bus commonly known as (Matatu), the Bodaboda Motorcycle industries and all other means of transportation of people, goods and services which are all being controlled by not less than 99.9 percent foreigners and it is only in south Sudan that you would wake up and before you get to your office, take breakfast at the foreign owned canteen, purchase airtime from a foreign owned kiosk, ask the foreign shoe shiner to clean your shoe, ask a foreigner to take you to the main road to access an Eritrean owned Matatu to take you to your final work station and possibly at the office ask the foreigner (your secretary) to give you your days dairy activities and at lunch time take the same route to lunch at Ethiopian restaurant before you use all the previous means of transport and procedures to get back to your house as some of our civil servants do not return to office after lunch.

Now, the bottom-line for all these chronology is to show that it is only in south Sudan where foreigners can be drivers at the transport industry like Matatu, it is here that they can also be conductors and it is even here that they can engage in Bodaboda business and operate small kiosks without any piece of license stuck to their mischief made premises.

In countries especially that are neighboring south Sudan, some of their citizens in one an unforgettable encounter paralyzed the government functions by demonstrating before the offices of the president and the prime minister for several days on the basis that certain Chinese citizens, in fact very few of them have resorted to retailing the china made phones along one of the infamous street in the city and this actions by Chinese were perceived to be an intention to venture into businesses that are preserves for the locals.

Secondly, as south Sudanese in the same country, getting your change after paying your bus or Matatu fares is next to impossibility because giving back the change to a foreigner is not mandatory or right but a choice that is entirely at the prerogatives of the conductor and as a foreigner, you should have persuasive skills if you wish to get some returns from what you have initially paid.

This issue has caused most south Sudanese teeth and other bodily-inflicted injuries in their encounters with Matatu owners and the police in that particular country. On the other hand, any business that is seen to engage so many foreigners as potential customers like some indigenous food joints bring a lot of competition between such business owners and their competitors and ultimately, the people with such businesses end up being murdered or if lucky, forced to close down their businesses as a result of perpetrated difficulties to get them out of the market.

Do not be mistaken, these are all nationals of the same country but because the other one is engaging in the business that attracts foreigners as customers and get for him/her more money than the competitor, then the alternative as to be explore to get rid of him/her.

These are the extents to which other countries and their citizens can go to block out foreigners from taking up their business sector. There is no slightest opportunity for foreigners to do any business in such countries because for one, the competition is too steep and worse enough, there are those businesses that are exclusively for locals and no foreigner can be allowed to register them even when they have capital and interested to open such businesses. These kinds of businesses are like the ones on transport industry that I have mentioned above.

Another abused sector of our economy is the hotel industry where almost all the residential areas in and around Juba have been leased out to the Foreigners as hotels and particularly to Ethiopians and Eritreans investors or so they called themselves.

The worrying factor with these kinds of business is morally and economically obvious for example, in every city planning, there are areas designated for business activities and those that are residential and this is vital because its preserves the serenity of the household safety as well as comfort and observations of family morals and stability while noise pollution is avoided.

In Juba, Ethiopians/Eritreans have constructed hotels and neighboring them are family houses and in these hotels, there are private rooms, restaurant, bar and all avenues for leisure and herein the house adjacent to it is a family house with a young girl, a wife and a father who can in a blink of an eye access all the activities that takes place at the hotel and either become inspired or traumatized.

This experience itself can have two fold impacts, one, it may destroy the moral status of our society as girls, young men and even house wives will find it easy to engage in immoral activities like fornication, infidelity or adultery and drunkenness because as, one Nigerian actor said, and I quote: Proximity is tantamount to accessibility.

I also think this can be used as stepping stone to venture into and overindulge in immoral activities by these vulnerable groups and citizens of our country.

Two, the peace, tranquility and comfortability that is usually associated with being in the comfort of your own home after a long day of activities is nonexistent in such neighborhoods as these hotels open loud music into the night for purposes of entertaining their customers. It is also during these times that the intoxicated/drunken forget their manners and caused havoc thus awakening or forcing the neighbors to remain awake as their utterances may sometimes sound unbearable.

In all these dramas, the funny scenario is that, unlike many business premises that operate in other countries including Eritrea and Ethiopia, every Ethiopian/Eritrean hotel in south Sudan operates like they are all five star hotels because the charges for both accommodation and foods are very exorbitant.

For example, you can pay a room for SSP 350 a night which is equivalent to U.S. Dollars 120 or so and I do not know how much this can be in Eritrean or Ethiopian Monies. Funny enough and again unlike other hotels in other countries, the licenses under which these hotels operate are nowhere affixed to the walls to tell the customers the limits and legitimacy of their operations.

Let us go again to another area of concern, which is water supply around Juba and its surroundings. I will only make some precise remarks about this area not because I lack information but because sometimes, it is prudent to leave some things to common sense.

Now in this area, the Eritreans/Ethiopians are the ones supplying water using their water tankers and again charging exorbitant fee to the locals. This is a project where revenues could be raised if the city council of Juba had initiated it and exercised the monopoly of being the only water supplier to its city residents. This can as well bring assurance as well as enabling the council to increase it GDP.

I am not saying private companies should not be allowed to engage in this business but all I am trying to contribute is that this is another obvious sector where easy money can be accessed by the city council. The private companies can initiate the same projects but it will only be left to customers as to which supplier they would choose depending on the charges and level of service delivery between the city council and the private companies.

In addition, I am not going to talk about the employment of foreigners in our government institutions not because I am not against the issue with all the consequences involved but simply because I have like many other colleagues who have previously commented about it, confirmed that the government has to the highest degree of contempt ignored this concern and I think it should be left at that as we all await the repercussions.

However, at this very juncture, I want to go straight to the way forward in the face of these glaring economic challenges.

One, the government and the people of the republic of south Sudan must know that there are some businesses that you cannot allow foreigners to engage in no matter their connections, these includes Bodaboda, Matatu industry with exception that the company can be owned by a foreigner but the employees like drivers and conductors should be locals.

Foreigners can not open kiosks, canteens in a foreign country, these are small business enterprises that are left to the locals who do not have enough capital to open bigger businesses, foreigners should not shine shoes or hawk in the streets of juba because this is absolutely prohibited and it is a bad practice for the country like ours because some poor foreigners can influx into the country with sub standard and counterfeit goods and hawk them to our illiterate population thus cheating them out of the monies and run away with our resources.

Secondly, the institution concerned with city planning must look into it that residential areas are separated from Hotels and ask those who leased their houses to foreigners to rectify their contracts in order to avoid the hotels being at the neighborhood that is meant to be a residential area.

The Authorities concerned with issuing business licenses must also ensure that all the businesses have their licenses available at a very visible place where any concerned citizen can easily see what the business is all about and for how long.

The ministry of commerce, trade and industry must also regulate on the prices of the hotels and other businesses because the foreigners are getting advantage of our people for most of them do not know the economic value of our money. If there is no law in place to control the prices, then the policy of free economy is being abused by foreigners on that basis and therefore the noble reason why the government should enact laws to that effect.

It is still in the hotel industry that I also want to recommend that, in every hotel owned by foreigners, 50 percent of its staff should be locals because this is legal as well as moral for the creation of jobs for our people. There is no way like it is now where a hotel is established and all its employees are foreigners. That only happens in south Sudan and something needs to be done and urgently done to save this situation.

Thirdly, the city council of Juba must take over the water project and revoked all the business licenses given to foreigners to supply water to Juba residence. This as I had said before can help the council raise enough revenues to initiate other developmental projects and help the people of south Sudan.

The private companies can do their own way but like in the hotel sector, the drivers and loaders should remain locals in order to create jobs for our population.

Lastly, the only modality that can be used to avoid this foreign exploitation of our economy is to plead with our government to listen to the voices of informed citizens like myself on what needs to be done to surmount these challenges and manage the effective growth of our economy and meet the expectations of our people.

In that order, it is relatively important for our government and specifically the institution in charge of registration of businesses and companies to ascertain the financial viability of the investor and how much it can contribute to the economy of the country and this can only allow the multinational business organisations and companies to come to south Sudan and improve our economic growth.

This can also be done in collaboration with South Sudan embassies and consulates abroad not to allow foreigners to just get visas and think that they are going to think about the kind of business they want to establish when they are already inside south Sudan. These are the kinds of people we see prostituting and hawking in our streets today and these kinds of businesses are not doing any benefit to the country.

In conclusion, I want to also urge fellow citizens of the republic of South Sudan to wake up and do something about the future of their country because even as we blame our government and foreigners for all our misfortunes and lack of progress, we have also contributed to this downfall by being too ignorant, lazy and proud for nothing.

Some people do not have sources of income and to even feed themselves and instead of going to work as conductors, drivers, motorcyclists, waiters/waitresses, shoe shiners, kiosk/canteen owners, hotel investors if they have that opportunities, we are just all over complaining about foreigners this and our government that yet we do not want to accept that we are also part of the problem.

And until we get this diagnosis correct, we shall never be proud of the freedom that our heroes and heroines sacrificed their blood to bring for us. Let us style up and save our country from being the breadbasket where the owner only ends up carrying the basket and the bread already been taken away by those who know its significance.

Juma Mabor Marial is not an economist but a Lawyer. However, they say, experience is the best teacher, and as such, his visit to South Sudan and seeing these happenings prompted him to write this very article. He is reachable at hussenjuma@hotmail.com

Implementation of Addis Ababa Deals: The Litmus Test for Juba Committees

BY: Dr. James Okuk, PhD, JUBA, OCT. 18/2012, SSN;
Now that the Addis Ababa deals have been ratified by the August Houses of the Republics of the Sudan and of South Sudan, the ball has been kicked back to the Presidencies in the respective countries and their executive teams. By these mutual parliamentary ratifications, the Addis Ababa Agreements have been accorded with the necessary legal backing and bindings.

But the litmus test now is on the nature and competence of the committees that shall be tasked with stipulation of the technicalities needed for implementations of these agreements in the coming weeks if not years. The nature of the civil service and competence of its personnel in Juba has a lot to be desired. Reforms in the GoSS composition and right positioning of civil servants have been resisted even from the highest authorities in the country as they live on the false premise that South Sudan was not liberated with professional qualifications but guns and loyalty to the SPLM/A. Hon. Awud Deng became victim of the needed reforms in the GoSS Civil Service and was pushed to the wall to call it quits and leave the status quo.

Now, the success of Joint Ministerial Committees as far as Juba is concerned remains in critical balance compared to that of Khartoum. Many deadwoods and incompetent civil servants in the GoSS who are supposed to do the professional work in Committees for Addis Ababa deals will just be warming up chairs, complaining about their sitting allowances and other payments more than the quality of work.

Many of them cannot read and write well or comprehend issues critically apart from show-offs with standard neckties and Italian suits. How will such shoddy civil servants help in the work of committees (which need thinking and paper works) when they need help themselves?

Before going further, let me quote some articles in the Nine Deals that oblige Juba and Khartoum to form technical joint committees that shall expose the devils and release the cats that are hidden in the details of the implementation process.

In the Mother Agreement on Oil and Related Economic Matters it is written that A Petroleum Monitoring Committee shall be established within twenty (21) days of the signing of this Agreement. The Petroleum Monitoring Committee shall oversee the implementation of this Agreement, produce regular reports to the parties including possible recommendations on the improvement of the co-operation in the petroleum sector, ensure the development of any additional required agreements between the Parties and serve as a forum for seeking resolution to concerns and disputes in respect of this Agreement. (Article 10.1).

In the Agreement on Security Arrangements it is written that The Parties shall immediately operationalize the Joint Border Verification and Monitoring Mission (JBVMM) and the Safe Demilitarized Border Zone… The Parties shall immediately activate the Ad-Hoc Committee to receive and investigate complaints and allegations made by one party against the other… The Ad-Hoc Committee shall be formally activated by Co-chairs of the JPSM as a JPSM sub-committee with a standing secretariat. (Articles, 2 and 4).

In the Agreement on Trade and Trade Related Issues it is written that Within thirty (30) days of the ratification of this Agreement, the Parties shall establish a Joint Ministerial Committee on Trade Relations. (Article 3(1)).

In the Framework Agreement on the Status of Nationals of the Other State and Related Matters it is written that The two States shall establish a standing Joint High Level Committee (the Committee), which shall oversea the adoption and implementation of joint measures relating to the status and treatment of the nationals of each State in the territories of the other State. (Article 1.1).

In the Agreement on a Framework for Cooperation on Central Banking Issues it is written that Within thirty (30) days of the ratification of this Agreement, the Parties shall establish a Joint Banks Committee. (Article 1.1).

In the Agreement on Certain Economic Matters it is written that Any other matters relating to the implementation of this Agreement on assets and liabilities shall be addressed jointly between the two States, through the joint implementation mechanisms established in the Cooperation Agreement, and in accordance with the principles set forth in this Agreement. (Article 4.3.7).

In the Framework Agreement to Facilitate Payment of Post Service Benefits it is written that Within thirty (30) days of the signing of this Agreement, the Parties shall establish a Joint Ministerial Committee on Pensions. (Article 3.1).

In the Agreement on Border Issues it is written that Within two weeks of the ratification of this Agreement, the two States shall establish a Joint Demarcation Committee to manage and supervise the demarcation and the maintenance of the boundary and beacons. (Article 8(1)).

In the Cooperation Agreement it is written that The Parties shall establish and sustain viable mechanisms and frameworks for cooperation and for managing their bilateral relations, including through regular Summit Meetings of their Heads of State, as well as through cooperation at Ministerial and Technical levels. (Article 5.1).

Reading through all the Nine Agreements (at least critically in letter), it could be seen that most of the hard work required has been left to the committees that shall be established between the two countries. It is only the deal on oil that has been tackled comprehensively, yet it is still subjected to committees for its implementation.

As it is said by some people that cheating the ignorant is not a crime, it remains to be the focus which country would compose un-cheatable committees that will garner maximum interest from the deals. To this regard, I am really afraid of the SPLM Juba Committees due to their usual lack of nuances in institutionalization, knowledge-ability and popular consultations. The SPLM Juba is still novice in running the state affairs, and is often repulsive and fearful of South Sudan technocrats who could help with the intellective game of technicalities on critical issues.

The perpetually recycled failed SPLM comrades have never been serious or committed in doing the right things in many tasks assigned to them, except flattery loyalty to the President. They do not bother to learn from similar comparative cases worldwide. They are blindly and usually confident in relying on foreign consultants, who in most cases are not well-informed about the realistic situation of South Sudan and the Sudan.

Khartoum seems to be ready for such specialized committees because it has a history of established institutions and instruments of managing the state affairs. It has many archives of references and experienced technocrats for such kind of job. That is why the NCP Khartoum came out victorious in Addis Ababa over the weak SPLM Juba, and are still celebrating the gains they are hoping to get from deals that have been finalized.

I hope the SPLM leadership is going to get it this time that there are no miracles in politics, governance and good economic management but hard work and correct positioning of the well-trained national experts. There are no free lunches in bilateral agreements too. A mission without right and tough missionaries is a futile effort that can end up in mess. South Sudan has had enough of mess-ups and miss-ups under the SPLM rule that need no more additions but subtractions.

Will President Salva Kiir and his SPLM government top leaders acknowledge the internal strengths of their own nationals this time rather than depending on foreign consultants every time on matters that could be tackled by the very South Sudanese regardless of political affiliations? Why not learn how to develop confidence in our own expertise and intelligence and avoid preferences for outsiders?

A part from being an opposition leader to the SPLM and Kiirs administration, Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin is a technical expert in petroleum chemistry. He could be the right person to supervise South Sudan committee on the implementation of the oil deal with Khartoum. I recommend that President Kiir reaches out to him as soon as possible in order to ask him to help in this critical area so that South Sudan could avoid being cheated by Khartoum again in the coming tough work of committees. Minister John Luke Jok is also an expert in oil business. He could work well with Dr. Lam Akol in this area.

Right now, South Sudan needs more economic solutions than highly propagandized political confusions. It is high time to leave behind the unhelpful and useless accusations of who wants to overthrow who politically or militarily. The challenges of implementing the Addis Ababa Agreements require embracing of spirit of joint nationalistic work for building the Republic of South Sudan regardless of parties lines.

I would like to recommend to President Salva Kiir and the rest of SPLM to start reaching out to those South Sudanese they fear and shy to acknowledge in their capabilities of helping the new nation-in-the-making to an advantageous level than the usual accommodated gaps. This is not easy but it is the surest way to success.

Thus, let Ustaz Peter Abdelrahaman Sule be released from political detention together with other opposition figures and elements in South Sudan. Let President Kiir assign them some national duties so that they could contribute to the common good of the nascent Republic of South Sudan. Prisons and exiles do not and cannot benefit a new country like South Sudan. Instead, it is the freedom and nationalism that can save South Sudan from collapsing into a failed state.

President Kiir is our President, Dr. Riek Machar is our Vice President, Dr. Lam Akol and Peter A.Sule are our Opposition leaders, and Pagan Amum is the Secretary-General of the ruling SPLM Party and etc. Why are they finding it hard to co-exist side by side and working for the common good of the new country despite their different political orientations and affiliations? Leadership is not everything in life.

If the SPLM ruling party can commit itself to co-exist peacefully with the NCP Jellaba ruling party in the Sudan why should it be difficult for it to reach out and do the same with the very Non-SPLM nationals of South Sudan? Lets become realistic and self-acknowledging to ourselves more than to the foreigners.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not the website)

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Dr. James Okuk is a lecturer in Juba University reachable at okukjimy@hotmail.com

Sorry, the Vice President, Machar, is a Hypocrite

BY: Fanwell Edward, OCT. 18/2012, SSN;
Vice President Dr. Riek Machar has unfortunately never missed an opportunity to unintentionally convince the public that he is a hypocrite of the worst kind. The hypocrisy the VP has displayed on recent occasions is breathtaking. After travelling to New York at the end of September to deliver South Sudan speech at the 67th United Nations General Assembly on behalf of President Kiir, who was bogged down in negotiations with Sudan president in Addis Ababa, Dr. Machar went to the American Mid-West to address the mainly Nuer South Sudanese community in Omaha, Nebrasaka.

He, among other things, urged his audience to work together as South Sudanese regardless of their political affiliations. But in the same breath he announced to the same audience his intention to bar the registration of SPLM-DC and charge the leader of the second largest political party in South Sudan with treason.

The VP claimed that SPLM-DC Chairman, Dr. Lam Akol, is a leader of a group of militias fighting the government of South Sudan, and as such Dr. Akol must prove his innocence, failing which the Vice President of the Republic of South Sudan will charge him with treason!

This kind of talk, which late Dr. Garang would call as loose talk, is symptomatic of the utter failure of the current crop of our leaders to transition from the liberation mind-set to the mind-set of statesmanship guided by the rule of law and democratic principles.

It is therefore, urgent for the VP to appreciate the fact that neither he nor his office can usurp the powers of the judiciary to arbitrarily bar a political party from operating in South Sudan or compel Dr. Lam or any other South Sudanese, for that matter, to prove their innocence vis-a-vis trumped up charges.

Contrary to the VPs ill-advised pronouncement, it is known worldwide that the prosecutor is the one who bears the burden of proving his/her case in the court of law that the accused is guilty beyond a reason doubt of the charge (s) brought against them. This is the practice in all democracies around the world, and anything short of this is nothing but the rule of the jungle, abuse of power and utter political intimidation that must be treated with deserved contempt and outrage.

The VPs talk about treason rings empty in light of the fact that known rebel leaders who terrorized and killed countless South Sudanese citizens before and after independence of South Sudan have not been charged with even homicide let alone treason. Generals such as Tanginya remain in military cells without charges of treason brought against them.

In this respect it is to be remembered that it was none other than the VP who announced to the world in December 2011 that General George Athor was killed after a seven-hour battle with SPLA soldiers in Central Equatoria Morobo County in South Sudan. According to the VP, General Athor and an aide (an American citizen of South Sudanese origin) were the only casualties resulting from the pitch battle that purportedly took place in the jungles of Central Equatoria.

VP sources displayed a photo showing the Generals body in a pool of blood. That was no doubt that the body belonged to the former SPLA general, but there were some glaring discrepancy regarding the photo and the circumstances of the generals death. The General, who the VP claimed was engaged in a seven-hour long battle with the SPLA was clad only in civilian clothes with a pen visibly shining from the top pocket of the African suit.

The photo and the unscrupulously managed battle scene belied the VP claims of a long battle and confirmed the claim advanced by many informed South Sudanese that the Generals death was a direct result of a cold-blood activity by neighboring Uganda.

No wonder there has not been any further details about the Generals death just as there has not been further detailed investigation into the cause of the 2005 crash of late Chairman John Garang Ugandan presidential chopper.

One will be forgiven to assume that the holder of a high political office such as that of the Vice President of the Republic of South Sudan would be endowed with sound judgment, a very sharp sense of history and a keen awareness of the need to weigh his/her words delicately before they uttered.

Words such as treason cannot and must not be uttered carelessly for the sake of scoring political points against political foes.

Also to hold the ax of treason charges to the neck of any citizen who has not been so charged in a court of law is reckless and irresponsible especially when such utterances come from a leader whose checkered political history and current leadership record bear more holes than a Swiss cheese does.

In fact, Dr. Machar has the dubious distinction of being the only southern Sudanese leader whose agreement with the government of the Sudan carries the name Khartoum, whereas other agreements go by names such as Naivasha, Chukudum, Addis Ababa, Abuja, Asmara etc. Even the peace agreements signed by Dr. Lam were called Frankfurt (agreement for self-determination for South Sudanese) and Fashoda (signed in front of the Shilluk king in the seat of the Shilluk kingdom in Fashoda).

For four long years (1997 to 2001) Dr. Riek Machar served as the assistant to President Omar ElBashir as well as being the de facto ruler of southern Sudan. Therefore, unless one suffers from an advance case of political Alzheimer it is incomprehensible how one dares make such hypocritical, reckless and self-defeating pronouncements.

The VP showed his hypocrisy again recently when he dwelled on the issue of land grabbing during a speech he gave at the thanksgiving prayer celebrating the return from Germany of the ailing governor of Central Equatoria State, Mr. Clement Wani.

The VP babbled at length and waxed eloquence about the widespread practice of land grabbing in and around Juba. In a poorly scripted scenario, Dr. Machar, faking concern and interest, called on the Governor to fight the vice.

It is either the VP believes everyone is a fool or he in fact suffers from serious illusions and hallucinations.

Did he really think that the Governor and the people of Central Equatoria to whom he preached vigilance against land grabbing did not know that the VP himself is believed (rightly or wrongly) to be immersed from head to toe in grabbing the precious land of Central Equatoria State?

Anyone who happened to innocently walk around number 7 neighborhood near Munuki could not miss to notice the crowds of VPs fifth columnists unlawfully occupying tracks of land. Who is fooling whom or is the VP trying to deflect scrutiny by attempting to put additional wedge between the Bari and the Dinka?

The third incident of the VPs glaring hypocrisy concerns his attempts to downplay the amount of four billion dollars that president Kiir said was stolen by former and current government officials. For reasons known to him alone and without quoting an alternative amount or pointing out who misappropriated the amount, Dr. Riek Machar argues that the missing amount is less than four billion dollars.

While one does not know for sure whether the VP is among the 75 corrupt officials who received president Kiirs infamous letter, the VPs pronouncements on this grave matter throws cold water on efforts to shed more light on the loss a staggering amount of public funds.

Finally, Vice President Dr. Riek Machar allowed himself to be guided by self-interest and therefore allowed himself to be manipulated by Abyei Talibans (Dr. Luka Biong Deng, Edward Lino Abyei and Deng Alor) to present to the court of arbitration in The Hague a map of Abyei that recklessly included Heglig (Panthou).

As the head of the Southern Sudanese delegation and as a prominent citizen of Unity State within whose boundary Panthou lies per the January 1956 borders, Dr. Machar could not raise a finger against the flawed map for the fear of retribution from the powerful Abyei cartel. As expected, the judges at The Hague rendered their judgment on 22 July 2009 excluding Heglig from the territory of the nine Dinka Ngok.

As a result of that judgment the international community was outraged when SPLA troops captured Heglig on 10 April this year. Universal condemnation of Juba actions poured in from all directions including from the so-called our friends, forcing the leadership in Juba to frantically grope in the dark for friends before beating a hasty humiliating retreat from the oilfields.

It is worth mentioning that Dr. Riek had camped in Bentiu during the ten-day crisis presenting a picture of an army general directing the military campaign on our northwestern war front. Things did not go well there and Dr. Riek fell silent as soon as the big guns fell silent in Panthou.

Now that the Panthou war and the crucial rounds of Addis Ababa have claimed Panthou, Abyei and Mile 14 as it most prominent casualties and have left them in the hands of Khartoum, the VP is nowhere to be seen or heard on these matters.

Instead, like Emperor Nero who sang while Rome burnt in AD 64, Dr. Machar harped on an old song while he travelled in faraway lands. He is still peddling nonsense in Americas corn-belt whereas his former SPLA colleagues-in-arms from Northern Bahr elGhazal are up in arms against the inclusion of their territory in the latest security arrangements agreed with the Sudan in Addis Ababa on 27 September 2012.

Instead of mobilizing the people of his own home state against the current status of Panthou and other territories, the VP continues to characteristically speak and foam from both sides of his mouth on matters of less serious concern to the people of South Sudan.

And instead of working diligently to unite the people of this young nation the VP is hell-bent on creating disunity through his hypocritical pronouncements. The VP does not understand that the people of South Sudan are too intelligent to be fooled by a hypocrite.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not the website)

edwardpanwell@yahoo.com

Kiir’s Capitulation: From Independence to Dependence on jellaba

Editorial Analysis, OCTOBER 2012; Without a shred of any doubt now, and in spite of SPLM multiple refutations, South Sudan nation is painfully coming to the stark realization that the September 27 Addis Ababa peace deal President Kiir initialed with the jellaba Arab Sudan was a total capitulation and a sell-out.

Furthermore, it is becoming more clearer that President Kiir and his failed SPLM/A regime have reversed our hard-won independence into a real and absolute dependence, once again, on our former oppressors, through this peace accord whose implementation will be at the mercy of the Jellaba and not the South Sudanese.

Regardless of the unsurprisingly fast ratification by the national parliament, most South Sudanese are understandably reserved or openly opposed to the entire or articles of the September 27 Kiir-Bashir Agreement, especially those from areas directly and adversely impacted by some of the its sections.

What Kiir and his chief negotiator, Pagan Amum, are stubbornly not admitting in public is that the Addis Ababa deal was really a coerced oil-for-land trade off, which clearly is more advantageous to Beshir and the Arab Messeriya and Reizeigat vagabonds.

ABYEI: Watching one of the leading Abyei chief negotiators, Luka Biong, almost tearfully explaining the conundrum, it is a truly foregone conclusion that the Abyei accord reached is already stillborn, ostensibly, because will never ever be resolved in the lifetime of this accord. Biong ominously predicts that Abyei will end up in an international arbitration imbroglio, whose ruling if any, will not be implementable nor acceptable by the jellaba.

Forebodingly, Abyei will remain a political cancer on South Sudan, specifically because of its intractability, unless and until the ruling SPLM/A administration works out a modus vivendi, sooner rather than later, to move its resolution in future talks with Sudan.

This begets the tough question that neither Biong, Alor or Dr. Francis Deng or any Ngok leader want to hear: What percentage of the indigenous Abyei residents really want to move either South or North? As Biong aptly put is, Abyei is almost like a stateless State, neither South Sudanese nor Sudanese.

Perhaps with its oil revenues, it is now imperative for the failed Kiir government and his Abyei politicians to think of another solution such as having this region granted a special status under a UN-mandate until such a time that its resident citizens can decide in complete transparency where they want to belong.

GRAZING RIGHTS: This issue is inarguably one fatal mistake that President Kiir and the leaders of the border states of South Sudan so unwisely acceded to without imposing the necessary conditionalities needed, such as impressing a consensus on a time limit, after all, we are supposedly two separate and independent countries.

Indeed, there are no similar scenarios existing anywhere in the world today where nomads from another sovereign state get unfettered access into another independent country to freely exploit its economic resources because of some primitive and out-dated Wild West arrangements.

It simply borders on sheer political immaturity and lack of seriousness as to why the Dinka and Nuer leaders of Northern Bahr el Gazal, Warrap, Unity and Upper Nile states never jointly formulated some stringent conditions by imposing taxes, for instance, to gradually and finally phase out this one-sided economic exploitation of their traditional lands.

Ultimately, Kiir and his SPLM are just perpetuating our perpetual dependence on the jellaba at our own sovereign expense! Sooner, as typical of the SPLM system, all those Dinka and Nuer leaders from those impacted states will be coerced to accept these sell-out deals and things will be business-as-usual, which is unsurprisingly only symptomatic of political failure.

THE FOUR FREEDOMS: Combined together, and despite SPLM refutations and acclamation, these so-called freedoms are nothing but instruments for the perpetuation of our endless dependence, once again, on the jellaba Sudan and on the terms of the jellabas.

Collectively, the SPLM/A leadership disingenuousness stands out palpably since all the so-called Four Freedoms are virtual instruments for perpetuation of our unstoppable exploitation by jellaba Khartoum. Already, under Kiir leadership, the nation is quietly watching Islamization and Arab influence are once coming back due to the political castration of the leadership by its acquiescence to Middle Eastern dollar donors.

Moreover, it is only the leaders-cum-thieves of South Sudan, who have bought properties or invested in business ventures with jellaba, that are the main economic beneficiaries of these freedoms, and the South Sudan nationals will soon be massively overwhelmed by jellaba economic hegemony.

Inevitably, the jellaba will once again under-develop our nation as they have done for the last many decades of their colonization of South Sudan. Only a fool would be made to believe that the jellaba would like to see a South Sudan nation that is politically, economically, religiously, socially, etc..etc.. independent.

More importantly, however, we have cheaply sold away our freedom by acceding to the joint oil agreement whereby our oil will go northwards. Acceptably, President Kiir blundered when he unwisely shut down the oil production last January instead of first working out an alternative mechanism to sustain production and export.

Then, the SPLM and supporters blindly supported the blunders of Kiir, now the nation must painfully accept that the prosperity promised in our national anthem will remain for a long time only a dream except, once again, for the kleptomaniacal SPLM/A leadership who will keep corrupting the government.

Finally, the entire Addis Agreement is critically dependent on the unresolved wars in the Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile and to extent, Darfur, all whose fighters and the leaders still maintain close links and suspected support- politically and materially- from the SPLM/A government in Juba.

President Kiir, like his unpopular counterpart, president Bashir, needed this Agreement to buy time and cleverly avert any sanctions from the United Nations Security Council, as well as to timely avoid the predicted economic collapse in the two nations.

More critical, Kiir had to unconditionally surrender to the increasing international pressure and the fact that he completely failed to garner any international financial assistance after shutting oil production in January.

Unfortunately, the nation is in a state of paralysis and people are genuinely frustrated by the political failure, lack of services delivery, and the ostentatious theft and corruption and absence of the rule of law.

As the president grows delusional about coups against his increasingly unpopular regime, the fate and future of our nation in very uncertain, especially now that our dependence on the jellaba in guaranteed by a mutual agreement.

Nuer Youth Demand The Release of Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel

Media Release: Nuer Youth Executive Council, Juba, South Sudan

    October, 16

    OCT. 17/2012, SSN; The Nuer Youth leadership in Juba is deeply troubled by the events which have been taking place in the city since October 11, 2012, the day Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel was arrested at work in Bilpam Headquarters. We thought that his arrest was something related to administrative issues until we read the press release of Jieng Community Association in Juba which categorically stated that Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec was incarcerated due to his support to Nuer Prophet Dak Kueth and Murle rebel commander, David Yau Yau. The legal department of Nuer Youth Association began to investigate the real cause of his arrest despite claims of Jieng Community Association and discovered that he was detained by Military Intelligence (MI) that was ordered by the Commander in Chief of the SPLA army, 1st Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit.

    The chief of MI told the leadership of Nuer youth that Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec was detained -because he was working with other politicians to stage a coup against the leadership of President Salva Kiir.

    The Nuer Youth dismissed the claims of MI because Juba has been rocked with rumors of coups since last year. It should be noted that there is no month that would pass by without a rumor of a coup in Juba. Last year, it was rumored that Deputy Minister of Defense, Dr. Majak Agot, was planning a coup to topple President Kiir. That rumor died down without any incident. In July this year it was also rumored that Presidential advisor on Human Rights, Madam Rebecca Nyandeng Garang met with some Bor officers and appointed Maj. Gen. Mac Paul to stage a coup against President Kiir. That rumor was even published in the media. However, it was discovered that Rebecca Nyandeng did not plan any coup and was being blackmailed in the media. Moreover, when the son of late Dr. John Garang de Mabior, Col. Mabior Garang de Mabior, gave an interview to McClatchy newspaper in Nairobi expressing his dismay on the leadership direction in South Sudan, it was also rumored in Juba that he was planning a coup.

    When the agents of Military Intelligence said that Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel was detained because of allegation of a coup, everybody dismissed it as another rumor mill in Juba spewing nonsensical charges against a respectable officer like Simon Gatwec. However, the Nuer Youth is shocked today, Tuesday, October, 16, when President Salva Kiir confirmed in the meeting with officers at Bilpam Headquarters that Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel was arrested because he and unnamed politicians planned to stage a coup against his government. The President said that Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec would be taken to court and if found innocent he would be released. The statement of the President put to rest the doubts of all those who were dismissing the allegations of a coup as the usual joke and began to ask serious questions.

    Sources within the military intelligence revealed that the coup leaders are Deputy Minister of Defense, Dr. Majak Agot and Hon. Dr. Riek Gai Kok, a member of South Sudan Legislative Assembly representing Akobo County of Jonglei State. However, when meeting military officers at Bilpam Headquarters on October, 16, President Kiir praised Dr. Majak Agot and Lt. Gen. James Hoth for foiling the coup while he was in Uganda. But the revelations coming from MI alleged that Dr. Majak Agot was in fact the leader of the coup who recruited Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec.

    The question every reasonable South Sudanese is asking is: If Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec was part of the coup, where are the other officers? Where are the politicians who organized the coup? Why did President Kiir not arrest Majak Agot and Dr. Riek Gai Kok who are named by MI as leaders of the coup?

    According to sources within the MI, Dr. Majak Agot was the one who gave President Kiir the list of 31 officers ranging from Brig. Generals to Maj. Generals as officers who planned to stage a coup. It is said that Majak Agot denied being part of the coup and told Kiir that -the Nuer are the ones planning to overthrow Dinka government-. The funny part of the allegation of a coup is that the politicians who organized the officers have not been arrested and only one man is targeted. That begs the question and the Nuer Youth are having difficulty believing President Kiirs version of events because it would be the first time on earth that one Maj. General could stage a coup alone without politicians backing him up.

    If the rumors which have been circulating since last year are being believed by the President, the question is: Why would the President not believe the previous rumors linking Majak Agot, Rebecca Garang and Col. Mabior Garang to the conspiracy of staging a coup against the government? Col. Mabior Garang is on record calling for removal of President Kiir when he gave interview to McClatchy newspaper. He never denied his interview but qualified it recently by saying that he was calling for -peaceful uprising against the government-. After the events of Tunisia, people know that the line between popular uprising and a coup is indistinguishable. Yet, President Kiir did not detain Col. Mabior Garang when he returned to Juba on October, 9.

    Dismissing Nuer Officers: After a thorough scientific investigation, the Nuer Youth discovered that Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel was not incarcerated because of allegation of a coup since all the facts revealed that the allegation of a coup is a lie. We have discovered that President Kiir wanted to implement a policy of purging the Nuer officers out of the SPLA army. This policy was delayed when Paulino Matip was alive because he was against it. After his death, President Kiir and his Dinka elites revived the policy and identified thirty five Nuer officers to be removed from the army so that the Dinka would firmly control the South.

    The allegation of the coup is a ploy to cover up the real plan. Using coup as the reason to detain Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel is a tactic to detain all the Nuer officers one by one because official retirement of all Nuer officers at once may raise suspicions. Salva Kiir himself said in August in a meeting with officers in Bilpam that he would be retiring military officers starting from Brig. General upward. He did not implement that plan right away because he was advised that it would create tribal tension.

    The Nuer Youth would seriously advise President Kiir and the Dinka community at large that the politics of tribal domination and nation-building are antithetical. The same tactics being employed by President Kiir in targeting the Nuer were used by the Hutus rights after the independence of Rwanda in 1961 and led to first Rwanda genocide. After the resistance launched by the Tutsis in defending themselves from Hutus dominated government, the Hutus political elites decided eventually that the only solution was to exterminate Tutsis on earth and that policy culminated into the second genocide in 1994.

    However, South Sudan is a multi-ethnic society and the Nuer community is a heroic community that could not be dominated. For the last three hundred years, Dinka never defeated the Nuer in any battle. In 19th Century, the Nuer conquered Dinka lands and assimilated 30% of Dinka. In the 20th C, the Nuer is the only tribe in Africa which fought the British for thirty years with spears. The Nuer were the first to bring down British plane with a spear, an experience which shocked the British empire up to now.

    When the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed, the Nuer community came to conclusion that past conflicts with Dinka should be brought to an end because nation-building demands that South Sudanese people transcend tribal politics in order to forge a viable nation state. When Paulino Matip signed Juba Declaration on January 9, 2006, the Nuer community applauded the spirit of cooperation between him and President Salva Kiir. Despite the glaring mistreatment of Nuer for the last six years, our community endured humiliations in the name of South Sudan. Maj. Gen. Bol Kong in 2006 was the first SPLA officer that fought his own people of Lou Nuer to carry out the government disarmament program in the name of South Sudan.

    Today, the Jieng Community called him Nyagat (fifth columnist) after defending South Sudan from external threats because he is a Nuer. When war broke out between the North and the South in March this year, it was Maj. Gen. Bol Kong and other Nuer officers who heroically defended South Sudan border. More than 80% of SPLA forces along the North-South border are Nuer. More than five thousands SPLA soldiers killed in Heglig and Jaw battles were Nuer.

    It has become a habit that when there is a war between the North and the South, the first people President Kiir relies on are Nuer. In 2008 fighting between the SPLA and SAF in Abyei, it was Maj. Gen. Peter Gatdet who heroically defeated the SAF. After the end of the fighting, he was called Nyagat in Juba and denied medical benefits to go for treatment in Nairobi after a long fighting in Abyei. That was one of the reasons he left the government in 2011 and formed a rebel movement.

    After Peter Gatdet formed South Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA) in March, 2011 to fight the government of South Sudan, it was Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel and Maj. Gen. Bol Kong who convinced him to abandon rebellion. Indeed Peter Gatdet signed an agreement with the government and he is now the deputy commander disarming civilians in Jonglei. Had it not been for Nuer officers like Bol Kong and Simon Gatwec Duel who rejected rebellion, South Sudan could not have been independent last year. Today, all their work to save the South is thrown to dustbin because they are Nuer and the only reward they get is to label them as Nyagats.

    The Nuer Youth are aware that President Kiir wants to endanger the very survival of South Sudan as a viable state after achieving independence last year. However, the Nuer community refused to be part of the failure of the South and stood firmly in safeguarding the territorial integrity of South Sudan from external threats. The Nuer who died in the border war with the North died in defending the honor of South Sudan. Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel has more than five family members killed in action defending South Sudan.

    When Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang, Maj. Gen. Simon Mabor Dhol and Brig. Gen. Gatwec Joak were illegally detained last April with orders of President Salva Kiir, it was Maj. Gen Simon Gatwec Duel and Maj. Gen. Bol Kong who calmed down the Nuer Youth. Up to now, Gabriel Tang and his officers have never received justice let alone being informed of the reasons for their detention. The South Sudan constitution states that any accused should be accorded due process in a short time possible.

    However, all the constitutional stipulations have been ignored because the accused individuals are Nuer. When Maj. Gen. Marial Nuor, a Dinka, was accused of raping girls and murdering an engineer in Juba, he was detained for few days but was produced before a judge. He was allowed to have a legal counsel who argued his case and today he is out of prison after being arrested for only two weeks. Up to now, the government dropped the case against him although the UN documented his abuse of girls at night in the city. The reason for his release is because he is a Dinka.

    Since his arrest on October, 11, 2012, Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel has been denied food for five days and his wife has been prevented from visiting him. He has never been accorded due process as stipulated in the Interim Constitution and was not allowed to retain a legal counsel let alone being told the reasons for his detention. While President Kiir is talking about justice, the only people who receive justice in South Sudan are Dinka, not Nuer because since April, 2011, Gabriel Tang, Mabor Dhol and Gatwec Joak have never received justice.

    The Nuer Youth are calling on President Kiir to release Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel as soon as possible without conditions from our community. The patience of Nuer community is running thin and President Kiir should not wish to return the South to dark days of 1990s when William Nyoun and Bol Kong defeated him at Magiri with only seven hundred fighters while he was commanding fifteen thousands. Nuers fighting spirit is unquestionable; however, the Nuer community resolved that ethnic fighting would destroy South Sudan and return our people to abject poverty and suffering. The number of Nuer and Dinka who died as a result of factional wars in 1990s far exceeds the number killed by the Sudan Armed Forces in the course of liberation struggle.

    When the Nuer Youth convened a meeting last year at Nyakuron Cultural Center, Maj. Gen. Bol Kong told the Nuer Youth that South Sudan should abandon violence and adopt the path of peace as the only way to achieve political power. Bol Kong advised South Sudan politicians to use ballot box as the only way to bring political change in South Sudan. Today, the Jieng Community labeled him as Nyagat after fighting his own people in 2006 to carry out government disarmament policy.

    The Nuer Youth would not release another press release again to advise President Kiir to abandon destructive tribal politics. Instead the President should consult history and release Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Duel immediately. We have realized that Nuers pacifism is being seen by Dinka community as a weakness and some members of Kiirs elites have begun making presentations that -the Nuer are defeated-. This release is our last advice to the President because our patience is running out. The responsibility to keep peace in South Sudan is a responsibility of all people including Dinka community. It is the interest of every South Sudanese to see that peace reigns supreme in South Sudan. But if communities that have realized the importance of peace are being labeled as -cowards- or -being defeated-, the future of South Sudan is bleak.

    As youth, we believe that peaceful South Sudan is our priority and will benefit us more than President Kiir who is getting old. The future of South Sudan belongs to the youth and we are the last sector of Nuer community to see South Sudan on fire. However, the Nuer community has inalienable right to defend itself if President Kiir is pursuing policies of domination and extermination. If President Kiir is interested to impose war on Nuer although they do not want it, it is instinct of every human being to defend themselves when attacked. The right of self-defense is a right recognized internationally. But our hearts break to see that the President of a newly independent country wants to return the Nuer and Dinka to 1990s factional wars.

    We call upon peace-loving Dinka brothers to advise the President that the Nuer-Dinka war is the end of South Sudan. Such a war should not be promoted by anybody be it President Kiir or the youth of South Sudan who would be the losers. The future of South Sudan belongs to the youth and the next generation needs to see a culture of peace being promoted by our leaders.

    But the policies of President Kiir will return us to factional war of 1990s when he and Maj. Gen. Bol Kong fought for a month in Equatoria and wasted more than thousand lives of the people of South Sudan who should be now contributing to our countrys development.

    The Nuer are not cowards but our community resolved in 2006 that tribal wars would not take our country forward and there is a need to stay away from tribal tendencies which nearly destroyed South Sudan liberation movement in 1990s.

    For contact:

    Peter Tut Hoth

    President of Nuer Youth in Juba,

    South Sudan

    Email: nueryouthjuba@hotmail.com

If you reject this agreement then give us an alternative

BY: Dr. Anthony Lupai Simon, JUBA, OCT. 13/2012, SSN; About two weeks ago the Republic of South Sudan and Sudan committed themselves to a deal that was signed in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa as the presidents, Salva Kiir and Omer El Bashir respectively, were pressured by the international community on that deal following the escalation of violence that erupted at their disputed borders after the independence of South Sudan.

Sudan sabotaged the referendum for the people of Abyei and sent in his military to control many areas in the south as well as going ahead confiscating south oil in its port harbour of Bashair near Port Sudan.

Again Sudan has refused to abide by the border that stands as drawn by the British and leaving it in 1st January 1956.

Those provocative moves compounded up by Ariel bombardments as clear acts of intimidation by Khartoum to the people of south Sudan produced some reactions that were about to bring the two sides to an all out war. But thanks to the people of south Sudan for keeping themselves low against Khartoum for the sake of peace.

South Sudan heeded to the international pleas and ceased their fire in spite of Khartoums aggressive moves and negative accusations.

And in all the disputes that erupted each side pretended to be more right than the other and the two could not come to a compromise in spite of the clear road map laid down by the CPA, this forced the international to intervene. And that intervention was by putting forward a Resolution No. 2046 and a threat of sanctions on both sides if they fail to reach an agreement within a specified period of time. And under that tension Khartoum and Juba signed an agreement on Thursday the 27th of September 2012.

People from the two Sudans glued to the televisions attending the ceremony as it was broadcast live. While people in the Sudanese capital Khartoum applauded to the deal, it was, however, received with mixed reactions in Juba. Simply because people in the new land were more concerned about solutions to the causes of the disputes such as the border demarcation, Abyei case and the contested regions that they saw as not properly been tackled in the deal, while others see that the resumption of the oil to flow in the market and provisions of the four freedoms to the people of the two countries are steps in the right directions.

All the same, nobody knows which side is more correct but more importantly, what is seen as the guiding star to all is the interest of the people of south Sudan which all have agreed that should have a permanent lasting solution but not a temporary one.

And as the voices of the sceptics to the agreement grow louder and louder, they were quickly silenced up by some authorities that if you reject this Agreement then give us an alternative. A statement which points that the only way out is through that signed agreement.

But way out from what? For calming Khartoum and making it responsive? Pleasing the international community that we are serious? Or recovering of our economy and giving us a brake and have time to think on how to restart?

Otherwise, seriously, Khartoum should have been forced in front of the international community to agree on the road map or face sanctions alone. I do not think there is any sensible full body that would punish the south if it complies with the international norms.

Negotiation is a give-and-take from all parties. One side cannot act superficially and another one giving all the time what it has.

A good number of analysts that had been following up the Juba-Khartoum talks in Addis Ababa concluded that Khartoum had been too rigid and gave out very little compared to Juba. That unshaken position of Khartoum made many people in Juba unhappy with the deal forcing some of them to ask many questions.

Such as, were we pressed by some conditions other than those of solving the core causes of the disputes between us and Sudan for which we went to the negotiation? If the answer is yes, then we should not have deceived our population that we were going to Addis Ababa to solve the outstanding post referendum issues but instead to tell our citizens that we need to escape the embargo and equip ourselves with emergency money now.

But if the answer is no, then there is no point of asking the citizens to give an alternative solution when everybody knows the intention of the negotiation. The freedom rights on the deal that have become songs on many lips are just symptomatic treatment which would not even be needed if the disease between the two countries was treated.

Did we go to negotiate because of citizens issues or because of some major unresolved border disputes which resulted to those restrictions?

Again people with mixed reactions in Juba were worried about the paradoxical compensation money in the deal. The twenty one year war in the country made Khartoum to destroy all that we had in the south and denied us the national development programs, what compensation has it given for that? Instead the victim goes ahead to compensate the criminal in what is known as the TFA, what a paradox?

Is it justifiable for somebody to ask for an alternative when we all know that the Russian-built Antonov planes were sent by Khartoum and caused those destructions in the south and when it is supposed to be forced now to rebuild these rabbles?

We cannot be deceived that Khartoum should be applauded because it has given us the south. It is our land given to us by the Creator which Khartoum unlawfully controlled for those gone by years, and simply fell back to the real owners control. We do not need to thank them for that but instead we should lobby the international community to force them for some retributions.

Yes, we are part of the international community including Khartoum and all are required to adhere to the international demands.

Some people in Juba were not happy with the deal because most of the things Khartoum had rejected were deferred in the negotiation making it buy time while south Sudanese items were given some modification and accepted as part of the deal. Special examples are the inclusion of mile 14 in the buffer zone which came as a surprise to the people of south Sudan in the same manner that they came to see that Panthou (Heglig) was discussed as a part of Abyei instead of Unity state in The Hague-based International Court.

Again the other modifications are the presence of terminologies as the claimed areas in the current deal which did not exist before but was just a making of Khartoum to dilute the legitimate positions south Sudan has over those areas. Who is claiming these areas? I think it is the south because Khartoum is in all the areas in the south it wants and south Sudan mentioning them made Khartoum quickly convince the AUHLIP to label them not as disputed but as claimed areas.

The pressure on Khartoum is lighter when only the south is claiming for areas because we shall be like barking dogs and they our camels not caring about our noises.

The sceptics that are asking to give alternatives were just wondering as to why bring the buffer zone deep into the south in areas like mile 14, etc, without involving any inch of land in Sudan. They were expecting the international body to force Khartoum to keep the zone right where the 1st January 1956 line is so that Khartoum should not be lured to believe that the buffer zone is the assumed border.

We have already seen that as Khartoum moves southwards some international communities are made to believe that the areas behind it are Sudanese territories. Like now Russia that has no any knowledge about the south is blindly standing behind Khartoum to force the South to compensate some money for the destruction in Panthou which resulted from the April 2012 attacks. It was just a move designed by Khartoum with the intention of scaring the south away from thinking that Heglig is its land.

I hope it is not one of the areas modified by Khartoum as one being claimed by the south. The same is going to follow after the creation of the buffer zone, as such it must not be erected in the south but right at the presumed border as border disputes are not always solved within a short time.

Yes, there are so many alternatives on the ground relating to the deal including that of changing the negotiating team if their negotiating capability was overstretched by Khartoum as they were unable to convince the international community to come in line with our demands in the way Khartoum swayed them.

Dr. Anthony Lupai Simon, Juba.
(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not of the website).