Category: More Views


FEB/03/2016, News;

THERE is a ray of hope for unemployed graduates as South Sudan wants 20,000 Zimbabweans to work in different fields in the North African country.

The graduates will be paid United Nations international rates for expatriates which are far more than salaries most Zimbabweans are paid in foreign countries.

In June last year, the government invited those who graduated from the country’s tertiary institutions since 1980 to forward their names for possible employment outside the country while it works on various ways of creating employment as espoused in its economic blueprint, Zim-Asset.

Negotiations with a number of countries that include South Africa are on the cards.
Next week, the government will sign a memorandum with South Sudan to pave way for 20,000 Zimbabweans to work in that country.

Addressing academics, business leaders and government officials at the first annual Midlands State University (MSU) interface meeting in Gweru on Tuesday, the deputy director of higher education programmes in the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education, Science and Technology Development, Caleb Mharapira, said South Sudan wanted 20,000 professionals in different fields.

He said those who will be employed will leave for South Sudan “shortly”.
Mharapira said the government was still debating on which proposal to adopt between making the expatriates remit 25 percent of their salary back to their families or depositing it into a pool monitored by the government.

“There should be at least a percentage that will be remitted back to the country or directly into a government pool and we’re still looking at the proposals. So what it means is that their families, our banks and the government will benefit from their salaries,” said Mharapira.

He said those to be employed in South Sudan will be paid UN rates for expatriates.
Mharapira however said if people listen to the BBC and CNN, they would refuse to go and work in South Sudan because the media houses paint a gloomy picture of that country just as they do on Zimbabwe.

He said the government had also finished laying the ground work for graduates to go and work in Botswana, Namibia and Zambia.

Mharapira said they were still negotiating with South Africa and Malawi for possible MoUs.
“We’ve done the groundwork for those intending to work in Botswana, Namibia and Zambia and negotiations are underway with Malawi and South Africa. We want our graduates to be paid UN expatriates rates. In South Africa, our graduates are at the moment negotiating their salaries which shouldn’t be the case,” he said.

He said Britain and other European countries made it by exporting their human resources across the globe and this is what Zimbabwe is doing.

Mharapira said the graduates will be taken from the database of unemployed graduates which the government created. Last year, he said, the government called on unemployed graduates to register for possible job placements both abroad and locally. herald
News DzeZimbabwe

Investigation Committee on Human Rights Abuses in the Attempted Coup of December 2013: Where is its report’s Findings and Recommendations?

By Tong Kot Kuocnin, KENYA, FEB/02/2016, SSN;

On the night of December 15 2013, a fierce, unexpected, senseless and needless war broke out at the headquarters of the presidential guards and subsequently spread to many other garrisons in Juba and unexpectedly engulfed the whole of Upper Nile region. The war cost untold suffering and loss of human lives and destruction of properties on unprecedented scale which this author correctly called a well planned scorched earth policy.

However, on January 24th 2014, Salva Kiir Mayardit, the president of the Republic issued a Republican Order No. 06/2014 for the formation of an investigation committee to investigate human rights abuses committed during and in the attempted coup of 15th December 2013 as it was popularly known.

The president invoked the provisions of Article 101(j) of the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011 read together with section 5(1) of the Investigation Committees Act, 2006. The committee was composed of most imminent lawyers and prominent politicians and was headed by the former Chief Justice and President of Supreme Court, Justice John Wol Makec.

The terms of reference for the committee were to investigate human rights abuses allegedly committed by the government security agents and by the rebels of Riek Machar Teny, that occurred following the December 15th 2013, attempted coup as it was called, throughout the period of the conflict in Juba, Jonglei (Bor) Unity (Bentiu) and Upper Nile (Malakal) States.

It was tasked to talk to the survivors, families of the victims, eye-witnesses and relevant institutions with a view of obtaining credible and dependable information and evidences that would help the committee document and produce a credible report and recommendations on its findings in the Republic of South Sudan.

The committee was to cooperate with the African Union (AU) Commission of Inquiry and other human rights bodies on rights abuses throughout the period of conflict in the country.

After completion of the investigation, the committee has to render its report and recommendations to the President on the Committee’s findings within a period of forty-five (45) days from the date of the issuance of the Order.

The committee under the able and wise leadership of Justice Wol carried out its investigative work within forty-five days as per the presidential order and rendered its report, findings and recommendations to the president.

Now, the question which begs itself is where are the report’s findings and recommendations rendered to the president by these abled and committed members of the committee?

If the findings and recommendations of the committee’s report were not to be made public, then what was the importance of forming this committee? If its findings and recommendations were of no importance, why was it constituted?

I believed that the main aim with which this committee was formed was to thoroughly investigate who were exactly involved in the killings, torture, kidnapping, raping and extortion and recommend to the president the personalities behind these human rights abuses who plans and executes their plans without any directive from the higher authority of the land.

It is obvious that there are indeed people behind the killings, torture, kidnappings and looting of properties whether in Juba, Bor, Bentiu and Malakal who are named in the report’s findings and recommendations forwarded to the president.

However, the motive with which the president issued the order forming the committee to investigate was nothing but to hold those responsible for human rights abuses accountable and be brought to court of justice.

The president must not sleep on this good motive or else we may construe that the whole scenario began with him down to the junior officers who un-regrettably and without any remorse killed, tortured, kidnapped, raped and looted all properties of the victims.

The president should shield the people who have committed these horrible human rights violations because they have committed such horrible and heinous crimes against a humane person which contravenes humane values encouraged by societies to act in a kind and sympathetic way towards others even towards the people who do not agree with you.

Justice must be done to the victims by not shielding the perpetrators of these heinous crimes but by bringing them to books of justices to pay the prices of what they have done. The president must cleanse his hands off these heartless people who committed these inhumane acts against their fellow human beings.

Make the findings and recommendations of the investigation committee public and forward the names and files to the concerned authorities to act immediately by arresting and hold in custody those responsible for all these human rights violations.

Award justice to the people who deserved it the very people who have shamelessly been dehumanized.

The survivors, families of victims, eye-witnesses and other concerned citizens are still waiting to hear and see who exactly masterminded and executed these horrible human rights abuses against their own fellow human beings.

We are ready to forgive them but we must know who are these heartless people who killed, tortured, maimed, raped and kidnapped their fellow brothers and sisters without any remorse or regret.

Are they really human beings or animals in human skins?

Tong Kot is a Master of Laws (LLM) Candidate at the School of Law, University of Nairobi. He specializes in Law, Governance and Democracy. He is reachable at:

UN panel names Kiir, Malong, Machar and Akol Kur for directing violence

JAN/26/2016, SSN;

A panel of investigators for South Sudan has asked the UN Security Council to blacklist “high-level decision makers responsible for the actions and policies that threaten the peace, security and stability of the country.”

In a confidential report (link provided at bottom) seen by Radio Tamazuj, the UN-appointed experts named President Salva Kiir, army chief-of-staff Paul Malong, National Security Service chief Akol Kur and rebel leader Riek Machar as meeting the criteria for UN sanctions.

The Panel of Experts was established by a Security Council resolution in 2015. This panel is mandated to recommend which individuals should be subject to an international travel ban and asset freeze, though a higher-level Security Council sanctions committee is actually responsible for adopting their recommendations or not.

The experts cited “clear and convincing evidence… that the majority of acts of violence committed in the course of the war by government-affiliated forces, including targeting of civilians and violations of international human rights law, has been directed by senior individuals at the highest levels of government or undertaken with their knowledge, including Kiir, Malong and the director general of the NSS Internal Security Bureau, Akol Kur.”

Findings by the UN experts echo those of the African Union Inquiry report by former Nigerian president Olusegun Obesanjo, which said that war crimes and crimes against humanity “were committed pursuant to or in furtherance of a State policy.”

The Panel report cites meetings and communications between Malong and army and militia commanders in Unity State before and during the dry season offensive of 2015, during which many atrocities were committed, as well as distributions of supplies and ammunition to troops and ethnic militias in this state and elsewhere.

“A group of senior security officials [Malong, Lt. Gen. James Ajongo, Lt. Gen. Malual Ayom, Lt. Gen. Malek Ruben, and NSS chief Akol Kur] planned the offensive starting in January 2015 and subsequently oversaw its execution that spring and throughout the summer, with ultimate command responsibility remaining with Malong.”

The UN experts say that they interviewed senior personnel in the SPLA to corroborate their claims about this offensive and who was responsible for it.

Another accusation is that security chief Akol Kur oversaw the supply of weapons to ethnic militias in Unity State, with state-run oil company Nilepet used as a vehicle for arms purchases. Kur is also a board member of Nilepet.

Militia operations in Unity State were overseen by SPLA Maj. Gen. Thayip Gatluak Tai Tai and Maj. Gen. Matthew Puljang, among others, with assistance from local county commissioners including John Bol Mayak of Mayom, Gordon Koang Biel of Koch, Kor Gatmai Garang of Mayendit, and Wai Yach Gatkuoth of Leer.

According to the report, Kur also was involved in arming an ethnic militia that was mobilized prior to the start of the war: “In 2013, Kur bypassed Oyay Deng Ajak, then the minister for National Security, and went straight to the presidency to facilitate the acquisition of the Israeli ACE rifles cited in the Panel’s interim report (S/2015/656). (These ACE rifles were handed out to members of the Mathiang Anyoor from the Presidential Palace as they targeted Nuer in Juba in December 2013).”

Though the Panel said the government committed the majority of violence since May 2015 in South Sudan, the Panel found that violence perpetrated by opposition forces was also directed “at the highest levels” or undertaken with their knowledge, including by Riek Machar, head of the SPLM-IO. Machar “continues to seek funding and weapons to prosecute the war and to further his personal political ambitions at the expense of peace,” reads the report.

South Sudan Compromise Peace Agreement is in Jeopardy!

By: Malek Cook-Dwach, JAN/20/2016, SSN;

The compromise peace agreement of South Sudan which was signed under international pressures reluctantly with a lot of reservations between the warring parties SPLM-IG, SPLM-IO and other South Sudanese stakeholders’ civil society organizations and faith based groups on 17-26 August 2015 is on the brink of collapse.

The entire South Sudanese citizens were longer for peace and their hopes and expectations rely on the implementation of the signed pact because they are the one paying the higher prices for these 25 months of civil war.

With the coming of SPLM-IO advance to Juba on 21 December 2015, the moods of people change from brunt of war time to restoration of peace.

The committees of transitional constitution review were moving on well for the implementation of the compromise peace agreement in accordance to what previously agreed and signed by two principal of warring parties till they met a deadlock on 28 states, a unilateral decision taken by government by splitting the existing 10 states into 28 states in the pretext of what they called popular demand of South Sudanese citizens.

If it was popular demand as they put it, why they don’t refer it to South Sudan transitional national assembly to be debated by legislators (Laws makers) who are representing the voice of people and seek the consent of people through referendum.

The masterminds behind the creation of 28 states is blamed on tribal organization called Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) who are seen to be the rulers of South Sudan using an iron fist and working hard for dinkanization project to dominate and assimilate the other tribes by geographical expansion and mechanical majority in the national parliament by expanding states representation.

The idea of Dinkanization is a copy and paste of Arabization and Islamization policies of Sudan to convert pro-African South Sudanese into Arabo-Islamic culture, these policies was resisted and fought against by indigenous South Sudanese nationals in both Anya-Anya wars to SPLM/SPLA which led to the birth of the Republic of South Sudan.

Such a similar unachievable project couldn’t be repeated by those who tested its bitterness.

In the same token, the dinkanization will be resisted and fought by the rest of 63 tribes of South Sudan as the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) ill intention to create and set the country ablaze has resulted in the current civil unrest to create social vacuum in denying other ethnicities to share in the national cake.

That divide and rule politics couldn’t be tolerated and condoned where only one ethnic group dominates the South Sudan political sphere, economic, social and cultural aspects.

One is wondering, why the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission didn’t involve in resolving the issue of 28 states instead of referring it to two warring parties to discuss and negotiate on it while continuing with implementation of the rest of protocols agreed in compromise peace agreement.

It must be recalled that their roles are clearly defined in compromise peace agreement chapter V11 (3) that the JMEC shall be responsible for monitoring and overseeing the implementation of the Agreement and the mandate and task of the TGoNU including the adherence of the parties to the agreed timeline and implementation schedule.

In case of non-implementation of the mandate and the task of the TGoNU, or other serious deficiencies, the JMEC shall recommend appropriate corrective action to the TGoNU.

There is need of immediate solution to revert the looming collapse of compromise peace Agreement to leave the self-ego and the Arab proverb that goes “To hell with me and my enemy,” in order to get back into the peace track.

All the indicators of peace to prevail in light of 28 states are very minimal, unless the government thinks twice and revokes its unilateral decision.

Otherwise the country will transit to the state of anarchy where the armed ones loot/rob the vulnerable ones as started by unknown gunmen in Juba who are terrorizing the innocent civilians.

Losing the sovereignty of South Sudan to the foreigners will not be good idea because their intentions might be different as seen in other countries. Exploitation of our country resources will top up the list.

Therefore, we must put our house in order before inviting somebody to fix it for us.

The Author is concern South Sudanese Citizen and media commentator, reachable at

Is Consensus by ARCISS’ Parties Possible on 28 States?

By James Okuk, PhD, JUBA, JAN/16/2016, SSN;

Last few days after a positive step was taken by the parties to the August 2015 Agreement on Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS) regarding consensus on selection of 30 national ministries, the Government of the Republic of South Sudan thought that the same honeymoon should be extended to the issue of 28 states.

The request was officially placed to the JMEC in its second meeting after having heard the progress report from the National Constitutional Amendments Committee. It was decided thereafter that the issue of 28 states is not purely a legal matter but a political one that could be resolved by dialogue until consensus is reached on how to go about it.

However, ‘consensus’ is a porous term because it could be understood from perspectives of different directions.

Firstly, it could be that ARCISS’ parties would agree on endorsement of the Republic Establishment Order Number 36/2015 for creation of 28 States in the decentralized governance system in the Republic of South Sudan by including this in the structure and composition of states governments.

Secondly, it could be that the parties would agree that the issue of 28 states be endorsed for further deliberation and modification but within the mechanisms provided in Chapter Six on Parameters of Permanent Constitution after the transitional government has taken up its duties fully.

It is already provided that the TGoNU would initiate a federal and democratic system of government that reflects the character of South Sudan in its various institutions taken together with guarantees of good governance, constitutionalism, rule of law, human rights, gender equity, affirmative action, stability, national unity, ethnic diversity, territorial integrity and people’s participation via devolution of powers and resources to the states and counties.

The permanent constitution is supposed to be completed not later than 18 months from the time of launching the transitional period.

The reconstituted National Constitutional Review Commission (NCRC) shall include political parties, Civil Society Organizations, Faith-based groups, Women bloc, Youth, Ethnic Minorities, Private Sector, Academics and other professionals who should carry out wide consultations and conduct civic education on the permanent constitution-making.

Not only these, but also the TGoNU shall seek assistance of regional and international experts to benefit from the experience and best practices on this constitutional making endeavor. Hence, consensus on the second option is likely possible within ARCISS’ mechanisms.

However, consensus on the first option seems impossible, given the diverting public positions of the parties. The GRSS continues to push for the endorsement of 28 states because it assumes this to be a popular decision that would never be revered by President Salva Kiir Mayardit thought it could be amended by another Republican Order.

The SPLM-IO has come out openly against the adoption of the 28 states for kickstarting the government of national unity of the transitional period, and insists that the dissolved 10 states should be the way to start as provided in Chapter One of the ARCISS because 28 states is a recipe for permanent ethnic conflicts and more continuation of instability in South Sudan.

The SPLM-FDs and Other Political Parties have objected even to sitting down to dialogue for a consensus on the 28 states because this is a violation to ARCISS as well as to the constitutional procedures.

The JMEC’s Chairperson, H.E. Testis G. Mogae have also voiced out his fear that the 28 states is creating unnecessary further delays to implementation of the ARCISS because it is a violation and un-procedural move by the GTSS on the trust of peace.

As this is the case, it would be miraculous how a consensus could be reached on the crisis of 28 states even if it is declared by the JMEC to be a political issue. What is expected to happen then?

The JMEC has suggested that the formation of Government of National Unity at the national level could go ahead based on reference to the ARCISS while dialogue on the composition and structure of government of national unity at states level continue till a political consensus is reached.

The GRSS tends to be comfortable with this thought because it gives it more time to buy while its de facto 28 states and governors are operational on the ground.

The SPLM-IO may be half-heartily welcoming to JMEC’s suggestion as long as its 21 bush federal states and governors continue to exist at the same time, though not necessarily at the same places with the GRSS’ 28 states. But the difficulty with this mediocre comfort is that Dr. Riek Machar and other SPLM-IO hardliners may not accept to step feet in Juba until the the crisis of 28 states is resolved by the JMEC finally.

This shall, of course, be considered by the international community and its regional allies as obstruction and delay to the implementation of the ARCISS; an act that has already been red-lined by the UN Security Council Resolutions 2206 and 2241(2015) with targeted sanctions and other methods of interventions.

If the ARCISS raveled, the GRSS shall feel much heat of hit for a failure because of serious economic crises that may get created to add to the already existing hard currency bankruptcy. People’s outcry shall dangerously get louder with SPLM factions losing popularity both nationally and internationally, despite the fact that there is no Tarir Square in Juba to demonstrate the frustration. The SPLM-IO may not escape the blame too, especially if its advance team decide to get out from Juba or seek refuge in UNMISS as a sign of resumption of more rigorous civil war against SPLM-IG regime.

Why would leaders of the warring parties want to continue humiliating themselves in the face of their citizens and the world by delaying the implementation of ARCISS because of the issue of 28 states that could even be resolved shortly within a year after starting with 10 states first?

To resolve this problem H.E. Salve Kiir is not obliged to issue another Executive Order to reverse the 28 states. What he needs urgently is to allow the NCAC to incorporate the 10 states into draft transitional constitution (2016) as agreed in ARCISS, pass the transitional constitution in the Council of Ministers, endorse it in the expanded Transitional Legislative Assembly and then sign it into supreme law.

This would drop indirectly the GRSS’ 28 states and SPLM-IO’ 21 states by revitalizing the defunct 10 states for kickstarting the ARCISS period on right footing. From then the government of national unity would get formed with Dr. Riek and all SPLM-IO arriving in Juba hurriedly so that sanctions and other embarrassments could be avoided in time before it is too late after January 2016.

Viva ARCISS implementation Viva!
Dr. James Okuk is lecturer of politics reachable at

Firm foundations first and the roof later, Mr. Mogae

By: Peter Lokarlo Ngrimwa* JAN/14/2016, SSN;

The prioritization of the formation of the government of National Unity at the moment by the Chairman of the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC) or the recent request made by James Wani Igga the current Vice president of the Republic of South Sudan to the Chairman of the SPLM-IO Dr. Riek Machar to relocate to Juba and jointly form the anticipated government of National Unity with the serving president of the country, Salva Kiir, before primarily addressing the central issues in the peace accord is seemingly a sheer heedless travesty devoid of critical reflection on the part of Mr. Wani and Mr. Festus Mogae, the Chairman of JMEC – the man tasked with ensuring the implementation of the peace deal in South Sudan.

Auspiciously, the roadmap is at the disposal of all parties and stakeholders, thus, what remains to get done is just an honest execution of the clauses of the agreement as stipulated in the document, without aberrations or eccentricities so that all would arrive at the expected and desired political accommodation.

Alas! South Sudanese have already witnessed one glitch in the allotment of the government Ministerial positions.

Salva Kiir as predicted did demonstrate his utter sense of greed and political insensitivity by securing the most important slots and left the secondary ministries except the Foreign Affairs to the others who took them passively without an argument.

In the first place, the methodology for sharing the designated ministries as provided in the peace agreement was not followed, it was simply jettisoned overboard and that act of indiscretion or tactlessness by the opposition forces enabled the Jieng Council of Elders’ government to have a free ride as it wished.

The portfolios of Defence, National Security, Parliamentary Affairs, Justice and Constitutional Affairs and Finance and Planning are all key institutions and have sadly all gone to the JCE that controls the government of South Sudan.

We need to get reminded that within 18 months from the beginning of the transitional government, all SPLA soldiers from the opposition and the government would be merged together and commanded by the JCE’s government.

It remains to be seen as to what would transpire from such an intricate and byzantine scenario, given the appalling temperament of the President and his JCE that seem to capture the Latin phrase of “Si vis pacem, para bellum,” meaning, “If you wish for peace, prepare for war.”

The JCE government controls the Security establishment as well, and that could be unleashed by the government to ensure that the JCE regime commandeers power through illegal and coercive practices of the security apparatus.

This is another sombre portrait in the making that could see South Sudan through another round of bloodletting and misery, and that is all because an erroneous decision was made which should not have been made in the first place as we live in an environment and generation where there is no shortage of mutual suspicions.

It is worth recalling that it is the same JCE that had attempted to institute inter-tribal conflicts in Greater Equatoria. The Madi were set against the Acholi; Madi against Kuku and Mundari versus Bari. This was destined to create hostile environments among the feuding ethnic groups and help the JCE rule South Sudan.

If the assumption of the delegation of the SPLM-IO is that this setback is pro tempore or only transitory and confined to the period of the transitional government and the SPLM-IO would be in a better shape politically after the 30 months or so, this conviction is probably flawed and manifestly amounts to a self-defeating pondering.

The JCE’s government and their aficionados would soon rheostat the legislative and judicial processes that impact upon the creation of the permanent constitution.

What would happen if such a would-be JCE’s-flavoured constitution turned out to contain a clause which stipulates that any ethnic group that occupied the majority of states in the Republic of South Sudan would always provide the head of state or the president and the second group would have the position of the Vice president?

Given all the oil and other resources at their disposal I can visibly envision that possibility and silhouette emerging which the SPLM-IO’s representatives in Juba were unable to see at the time when they accepted the left overs and the lesser positions after the JCE had gluttonously selected the key state institutions.

Understandably, the JMEC chairman would probably by this time be fascinated with the temptation of exploring short-cuts in the peace agreement in an attempt to accomplish his assignment in the shortest possible time frame and then take on a meteoric rise and ride to prominence at the expense of a predictable future ramifications such a bad deal.

But I think this is hardly a cogent and sustainable approach to adopt in tribally-polarized communities and a country like South Sudan where the urge for instant revenge to settle old scores is irresistibly ripe, following the government’s tribal murders since 2013.

Furthermore, the impulse for intrigues emanating from the huge embedded mistrusts coupled with the trepidation of being removed from power and replaced by a non-Jieng ethnic group does not sit well with the JCE and it could certainly ignite another flurry of slaughter unless prudently handled through restraining safeguards and credible deterrence.

In December 2013, following the weekend flopped meeting of the National Liberation Council of the ruling party, the SPLM, the government scuttled to falsely declare that a coup d’état had been staged by Dr. Riek Machar, nevertheless that declaration turned out to be an absolute farce.

In reality, the move was an intentionally well-rehearsed ploy to eliminate all pockets of opposition groups in the country as it did happen in the subsequent government’s steered massacres and murders of civilians on an industrial scale.

From that point in time, the centrifugal forces of naked tribalism, hate and geographical killings were unleashed by JCE-controlled government, mostly in Greater Upper Nile states.

The exploit was a prelude to paving the way for an emergence to power of a tribally-domineering and authoritarian JCE government in the country.

With the current level of misgivings and the entrenched intention of the government of Kiir under the constant sway of the JCE, to remain in absolute power today and after the end of the transitional period of administration in South Sudan, the President and his browbeats in the JCE, might come up this time with a similar or modified subterfuge to possibly allege that the SPLM-IO have started yet another round of conflict.

To dissuade the JCE and its associates from being tempted to embark on a perilous design of wrecking the peace accord that they have long rebuffed and held in derision, the demilitarisation program as enshrined in the peace agreement document must be effected without government’s sanctioned procrastination.

If carried out timely, there would be equilibrium of forces in the cities that would certainly act as a deterrent factor against another JCE Roulette in Juba political Casino.

In this context I ask the Chairman of the JMEC to ensure that the peace accord be executed accordingly as detailed in the peace document.

You can’t hasten to form a government when the fundamental iffy and skittish issues such as the 28 states conspiratorial design of the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) as well as the demilitarization of Juba and other core issues are still placed in the pending tray of business.

The relocation of the Chairman of the SPLM-IO to the capital Juba would not add value to the execution of the stalemated peace process, to the contrary, there are perceived physical risks associated with his presence in Juba in the absence of the existence of a sizable deterrent SPLM-IO’s troops that would match Kiir’s forces in the city.

President Kiir maintains tens of thousands of army, police and security forces in Juba, which does not tally with the stipulations of the peace agreement on demilitarization.

All these must be sorted out formally prior to Dr. Riek Machar’s travel to Juba to participate with Kiir in the formation of the transitional government.

Mr. Mogae should firmly build the foundations of the house first as he is constructing one, before he starts getting worried about setting up the roof.

In other words, the formation of the government of National Unity is not a priority at the moment, but stopping the government aggression on civilian populations in rural areas is.

The JMEC Chairman should worry about the sporadic skirmishes involving the aggressive and ill-disciplined national army and the state-armed marauding militia forces in Western Equatoria and Western Bahr El Ghazal states.

These bloody developments must be halted before contemplating the formation a transitional government.

South Sudanese owe clarifications from the muted Chairman of the IGAD, the Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, the Troika group of countries and the imperturbable but moribund African Union about the newly added controversial dimension to the framework of the peace roadmap, namely the 28 states which has been calculatingly strategized to acquire more territories, abundant national resources and above all to provide the JCE with the wherewithal to capture power in elections at the expiry of the 30 months period of the upcoming transitional government.

IGAD, Troika the AU and other external parties have shown a collective penchant for inaction lately. Perhaps these parties are still under the canopy of the antiquated and discarded Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and UN assertive clause that states about non-interference in the internal affairs of other sovereign states.

If that is not the case, then what has transpired of the South Sudan peace agreement? Without their close supervision, Mr. Mogae Festus would hardly move forward to accomplish his mission.

Finally I appeal to all Dinka nationalists who crave the country, and possess both the sensibility and sensitivity on the unity in diversity of South Sudanese at heart and who do not share the virulent ideology of the JCE, to speedily intervene and dissuade the latter from their perilous tendency in order to edge out a possible cataclysmic scenario in the shape and magnitude of the Rwandan carnage of 1994.

In the course of human history, there have often been instances and accounts of extreme brutalities and anguishes which emerged in the course of power struggles and other concerns in many parts of the world in both developed and emerging economies, but all have virtually come to realise the benefits that accrue from the maintenance of political stability as they developed and that stability outweighs their aggressive and more often perturbed ways of living and they have now abandoned the primordial culture of sadism in favour of equanimity.

We must all be prepared to act resolutely to put an end to this monumental insanity created by the retarded and much less sophisticated JCE and their parochial adherents whose distorted moral and ethical foundations lack contemporary application, and instead sit down together to explore ways of building a better South Sudan for all and future generations.

Peter Lokarlo Ngrimwa
Former lecturer,
Graduate School of Business and Law (GSBL)
RMIT University
Emily McPherson Building 13,
379 – 405 Russell Street Melbourne
VIC 3000 Melbourne

Will 2016 be a Year of Peace?

By: Bol Khan, JAN/08/2016, SSN;

As all eyes all over the world are on South Sudan, the New Year, 2016, is expected to be a year of peace for South Sudanese people. If and only if: Implementations of the Peace Agreement signed last year but brokered by the regional bloc, IGAD can go smoothly.

However, will the IGAD-PLUS Compromise peace agreement entirely, be implemented as very much being expected? This is one of the pressing questions one needs to ask in this piece!

As we all know, that fragile peace document was regionally designed so that it must twist 2016 to be a year of peace for South Sudanese people. But the practical implementation of the peace agreement is now standing before a BIG question mark: To be or not to be implemented?

I know, while it is precisely clear to many including the author, it is also equally unclear enough to many others whether or not the South Sudan’s current rulers not leaders will live up (all) to the agreement they signed in August last year.

Perhaps, it is really unclear, especially for those who aren’t yet familiar with the SPLM’s ruling styles. For they may not know that SPLM’s rulers always every year utter one thing in words and put other different things into action.

To be specific, the rulers of course that I am referring to are those from the SPLM-Juba or SPLM-in-the Government. The SPLM-IG is still up to now tossing dices or playing a waiting game as usual.

Look, in an agreement the SPLM-I-G signed in August last year says: “There shall be only ten states in South Sudan during the transitional period of thirty (30) months”. But, contrary to this fact, the SPLM-I-G now has unilaterally decreed in, twenty-eight (28) unconstitutional states.

This unilateral decree has already invited more tribal, national problems and shall let the war to continue for other additional two or even more years. So as we speak, there is a flimsy reason to hope for peace and reconciliation in 2016. Take it or leave as my sick/healthy analysis!

In fact, if issues at hand can go, implemented as expected, and in accordance with IGAD-PLUS Compromise Peace Agreement, one would hopefully say that this new year, 2016 will be a year of stability, Peace and Reconciliation. But, just from its look now or its smell, the year 2016 shall be as unhappy (more or less) as previous late 2013, 2014 and 2015 that had already passed.

Unless there is a drastic, surprising change or miracle which may be on the way coming, otherwise my analysis is so healthy. I am bringing it up this way; because of the following statements and reasons, issued by the country’s rulers themselves. You can read for yourself and I think you will agree with me that there are some people within the nation who are not preparing for peace but for opposite in South Sudan.

“As we begin a New Year, Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) would like to remind the International Community, the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC) and all parties to the IGAD-PLUS peace agreement to cautiously tread the path to implementation of “ACRISS” due to the fact that certain clauses in the agreement undermine the sovereignty of our beloved Republic”.

This very statement was from the tribal powerful Jieng Council of Elders, it is so strong and should not be considered as simple as such. If I can repeat: “to cautiously tread the path to implementation of “ACRISS” due to the fact that certain clauses in the agreement undermine the sovereignty of our beloved Republic”.

This statement alone signifies that the Council has already planned something; indirectly using threat and on behalf of the government. I have one question here or two; what is a correlation between the two institutions, JCE and JMEC? Does it mean that the Jieng Council of Elders is a legislative body of South Sudan’s Government? I think you can even remember, when the council noted down the reservations in regards to IGAD-PLUS Compromise Peace Agreement the same reservations were also brought up by the Government on the following day (s).

“The areas which brought names of women are conflict areas. But the women are weak and could not defend their states, in war zones, like men. So we don’t want our governor to be kidnapped and that is why we don’t bring women,” said president Kiir during the swearing in ceremony of 28 newly appointed governors on 29th Dec 2015.

If the nation, the President and the people are indeed preparing for peace the above statement would have not been stated by the President. At best, women are even better than men in translating and restoring peace to the levels men destroyed.

I am not betraying us; we the men, instead this is the truth itself I am stating! They women, without dispute, are the real peacemakers compared to almost ninety percent of men who may be war-liked ones.

In short, if the President Salva Kiir is for peace he would have appointed women to the governorship positions of his unilateral twenty-eight (28) imposed states. In another words, Salva Kiir’s action which apparently appeared in the above statement means that he is not ready for peace. And those twenty-eight men he appointed governors will continue with the war as they go to their respective states’ capitals in this very New Year; 2016.

So, the New Year, 2016 may not be a year of peace as expected or if the IGAD-PLUS Compromise Peace Agreement is not implemented accordingly.

The author is a concerned South Sudanese. He can be reached at

Will South Sudanese also pray for Justice for the innocent victims of both Kiir’s & Machar’s war crimes?


QUOTE: “This war has been hell for the people of South Sudan, but it has also been very lucrative for their leaders. War crimes pay has been the message…..when there are no limits to the hijacking of state resources or consequences for the use of violence.” John Prendergast, Enough Project, 2015.

As we get to the Christian season of Christmas, most South Sudanese Christians and even some of their Muslims fellow countrymen and women, will fervently be indulging in serious prayers for the peace that has for long eluded them as war and death became the most common tragedies in the last two years.

Yes, there’ll also be prayers for the hundreds of thousands of those who needlessly fell victims and were murdered in a senseless war fought between two sides of the criminal and soul-less SPLM/SPLA, an organization of unrepentant murderers who are utterly fearless of God.

Truly, these so-called leaders of this autocratic, atavistic, clannish and tribal system of SPLM/SPLA governance have betrayed and wasted the opportunity for our people that the independence had provided after decades of fighting for liberation.

No question, there will be more prayers for forgiveness for the leaders-cum-killers and for their unimaginable crimes against humanity they overtly and covertly committed especially first when Kiir and his jieeng tribal commanders premeditated, commissioned and committed the murders on December 15, 2013 without remorse or repentance.

As sure as the Sun will rise every morning, murderer/president Kiir, Machar, Wani Igga, Kuol Manyang and Paul Malong, Pieng and the many SPLM/SPLA killers of their fellow Christians will surely go to their respective tribal churches and devoutly proclaim their faith as ‘good’ Christians.

However, and most poignantly, would our people and our pastors/priests also pray for real justice for the tens of thousands of the innocent victims and survivors of this war that wrecked our the nation?

The prolific American writer, Guy H. King wrote that, “No one is a firmer believer in the power of prayers than the devil, not that he practices it, but suffers for it.”

As our nation supposedly is coming back together, that’s with the return of the so-called ‘rebel’ SPLM/A-IO, we must first exert greater exhortation for God’s revenge on those who started the war in 2015 that led to the subsequent murders that followed before we rush to call for forgiveness.

The Obasanjo Report just released abundantly exposed the unimaginable magnitude of the atrocities that our so-called SPLM/SPLA national leaders committed which even included unimaginable acts of cannibalism, rape, castration and burning our young boys and girls alive.

Historically, South Sudanese have had the misfortune of never ever seeing any justice and accountability for egregious crimes that predated the December 15/2013 Kiir-Machar war, and this goes back to the very genesis of the SPLM/A in 1983, followed by the 1991 First Jieeng-Nuer internecine war.

In both previous instances and just like in the current predicament, instead for seeking justice first followed by forgiveness and reconciliation, the powers-that-be had chosen to conspiratorially circumvent any justice and accountability.

Unlike the Europeans or Americans, where if a leader commits such horrendous crimes in office or in his command, he or she automatically steps down on his or her own volition from that office and is ready for any legal course against him or her.

More poignantly, if such leader were a Japanese or Korean, he would simply commit suicide as an atonement and a repentance for his crimes.

One thing specifically stands out and cries loudly about us, South Sudanese, never has any single person in the current SPLM/SPLA leadership, from John Garang to Kiir and Machar, has ever publicly expressed or showed contrition about the killings they commissioned or effected.

If we do negate those killings done during the bush war on the grounds that then it was a just war, how about those since the SPLM/SPLA predators took power over a peaceful Juba since 2005?

By some credible experts’ estimation, the SPLM/SPLA war killed more South Sudanese than the enemy Arab North Sudanese killed during the same period.

Returning to our current predicament, it’s absolutely unacceptable that we can tolerate the blatant disregard for the rule of law by those entrusted by the people to lead the country. Inside the SPLM/SPLA, there are proven murderers walking absolutely free as they’re somewhat emboldened by the ineffective lack of due justice and accountability.

During the outbreak of the Kiir-Machar war in December 2013, the nation’s Inspector General of Police, Gen. Pieng, for instance, threw out his police uniform and the law, and hurriedly put on the murder insignia of the SPLA as he dashed to the war front-lines in Bor to abet in the killings of the Nuer.

Gen. Pieng was live on BBC at that time then, vowing seriously to kill the Nuer who at that time were supposedly marching to ‘capture’ the Capital, Juba. No wonder, now that he is back as Police Chief, Juba is now the top Murder Capital of Africa, where killings are breaking records daily and without accountability!

Peace, especially a lasting peace in South Sudan, is untenable unless there is absolute justice whereby those known perpetrators of the egregious crimes of killing innocent citizens, whether the victims are Dinka, Nuer, Azande, Madi or Pojulu in Wonduruba, must be brought and tried by the court of law.

In an ironical twist of tribal retributive justice, the jieeng worshipers recently drove ‘rebel’ Madame Rebecca Nyandeng, the widow of late SPLM/SPLA founder himself, John Garang, from their church for allegedly ‘betraying’ the tribe by her supposed family support to rebel Machar.

However, instead of desecrating their tribal church in such a lawless way, what those jieeng worshipers should have done was to file a case in the courts of law against Rebecca Nyandeng and family for any war crimes allegedly commissioned or committed by this once-First-Family in the nation.

Anyway, since the real people who executed the Dinka-Nuer War of 2013 are already in Juba and more are soon arriving into town, perhaps this will be a propitious moment for citizens to take to the rule of law by filing lawsuits against some of the commanders and soldiers whom they suspected to have carried out the murders of their relatives.

Once again, as the Archbishops, priests and pastors conduct the prayers on these holy days of December, they must, as an obligation, vocalize the urgency for justice before rushing with the call for forgiveness.

Incidentally as alluded to above, these blood-stained and conscience-damaged SPLM/SPLA leaders on both sides of the party, like the ‘devils’ that they practically are, fervently believe in the power of prayers as shown by their habitual public manifestations of their various faiths in their respective churches.

But deep down in their souls, they are terribly scared of the power of justice and retribution. It’s time to bring more heavyweight pressure on them, positively for the churches foremost so as to make them accountable in spite of their misplaced sense of invincibility.

Finally, let’s just put in the backs of our minds that this new Dinka-Nuer or better still, this new Kiir-Machar coalition governance being soon put into place is another marriage from hell…..sooner rather than later, it will unravel and splinter once again!

Though on paper the agreement deceptively appears as absolutely comprehensive, it is just as fragile and untenable because it is dependent on the good cooperation and commitment between Kiir and Machar, but those things seem to be lacking as the two protagonists have little incentives to do so.

In short, nothing has changed very much, no transformative institutions have been set up first and those that are there are utterly inadequate.

Furthermore, the SPLM and the SPLA are two faces of the same coin, when the first gets the flu, the other one sneezes!

At the present moment, to reassert the experts’ deductions, Kiir can ‘never be the principal political vehicle for peace and reconciliation, just as neither the SPLM nor the SPLA, in their present form or in recreated “unified” forms, can ever act as unifying institutions in the country.

In the meantime, in this supposedly joyous season of birth of Christ, let’s all tell them that nobody is above the law and that all lives are sacred. This is my New Year message!


New Details of mass graves of Dec/2013 Nuer massacre by member of Presidential Guards, Lt. Deng Bol Alwat

From: Simon kur Peter, SS Liberty News, DEC/19/2015, SSN;

The details of the belligerent war exhibited by none other than president of the state, Lt Gen. Salva Kiir has been revealed by one of his loyalist member of Presidential guard during an unusual meeting with South Sudan Liberty News correspondent Simon Kur.

A man who’s claiming the rank and name of Lt. Deng Bol Alwat. Lt Deng Bol Alwat revealed to SSLN in an exclusive one-on-one interview with our undercover investigating journalist Simon Kur Peter, that the war which turned our nation into civil war just less than three years of our independence was deliberately executed by President Salva Kiir.

Lt Deng said Kiir is liable for the lives lost, therefore he must he held accountable by the nation.

He said the creation of Presidential guard comprising 15,000 strong men was solidly to achieve high scale massacre of Nuer people in Juba. He said the aim of the war was to cause national trauma and fear to scare people from organizing protests like in the Arab Spring, which had brought shift of power in North Africa.

According to our informant, President Kiir was afraid that the people of South Sudan will revolt against him and unseat him from power after many senior members of his party had called for reform.

He went on saying Juba massacre of Nuer people was an exact fulfillment of the purpose for which the presidential guard was created.

Lt Deng Bol Alwat claimed he is a member of the President guards unit also known as president’s private militia, mainly recruited from Warrap state, to protect and give the president safe exit in the eventuality of war.

He said that at the beginning, just before the war, Salva Kiir had no hope and trust in South Sudan army, the SPLA, because it was at the time dominated and controlled by the Nuer tribe.

Lt Deng Wol Alwat made this shocking revelation, as he claims, he is constantly being disturbed by the mass killing of Nuer people some of whom were his closed friends or relations through marriage.

Alwat further said there were seven sites of mass graves located within the capital Juba. He claimed that the mass graves were situated behind Nyakuron cultural center, Jebel Kujur and one located in Gumbo, and the remaining four are close to the military bases at New Site. He said that the mass graves were dug by excavators as the numbers of those murdered were huge, exceeding all expectations.

According to Lt Alwat, some senior high profile Nuer persons, the likes of Mr. Rech, were very top on the list. Late Reth was a blood brother of former South Sudan chief of general staff of SPLA, Gen. James Mai Hoth.

Also that James Hoth Mai himself was a prime target. He luckily escaped murder by taking refuge in the Presidential Palace.

He gave details of the circumstances in which Reth was murdered, claiming the man was his best friend. Their friendship grew when Reth was working for customs and immigration department in Yei after he (Reth) returned from the Netherlands where his family has been resettled.

Alwat went into details that Dr Barnaba Marial, the now foreign affairs minister felt very bad during his UK tour in 2014, to lecture about the alleged coup when Dr Marial met the widow of the late Reth in London, UK.

In order to compensate and comfort the grieving widow, Dr Marial decided to employ the elder daughter of late Reth to work in South Sudan embassy in Brussels, Belgium, despite being young, inexperienced and immature in politics.

Lt Alwat said the initial plan to murder Reth was to provoke his brother Gen James Hoth Mai to either lead the SPLA to crash the rebellion or to prompt him to rebel against the government.

Either way, the presidential guards, who were blood thirsty over the Nuer would still have launched the war to cleanse the Nuer. However, had the Gen James Hoth Mai stooped low to crush the so-called coup, this would have given Kiir the mandate to convinces the international community about an abortive coup.

Though he survived the slaughter, James Hoth did not survive his position. He did not want to stage war on tribal lines as a professional man.

Though an army man, Lt Alwat said he was very disturbed by the aftermath. The following three days from the onset of the killing saw Juba locked up in isolation to prevent eye witnesses from seeing the movement of lorry trucks loaded fully with bodies, including the bodies of babies mutilated beyond recognition.

Alwat went on saying that when the government realized some of the bodies had begun to decay, they decided to damp some of the decayed bodies into River Nile.

He said the Juba based government is guilty and is trying to hide the evidences of war crimes against humanity particularly crimes committed against unarmed Nuer civilians.

He added that mis-identification has also caused some lives among the Dinka from Lakes State too. These were Dinka who have the same tribal facial marks. Lt Alwat said this was unfortunate because in the process of hunting the locusts, innocent grasshoppers ended up in fire and frying pan instead.

He also said the President with his defense Minister Koul Manyang, and Gen Paul Malong have recently become worried, and they have doubled the security personnel around themselves. They fear the surging insecurity in Equatoria poses great threats to their lives, and they are worried that with greater numbers of Equatorians joining the war, it is likely the war will return to Juba.

Paul Malong, himself, is concerned that the return of war to Juba is eminent and unavoidable.

Lt Deng said both president and Malong expressed a sense of being unsecured. As for Salva Kiir, he no longer has trust on Equatorians in uniform for fear of his personal security. That is why he no longer assigns the likes of Gen Obutu Mamur Mete, and Gen Thomas Cirilo Swaka.

Unfortunately, despite acquisition of new weaponry from China, Lt Deng says the morale of the army is low because of the army personnel casualties recently inflicted by the Arrow Boys and rebel forces under General Kenyi in EES.

Besides, the Army are never paid on time, if ever, and once they are killed in line of duty, their orphans and widows are left to suffer the loss of the breadwinner for the rest of their lives.

On the same note, Lt Deng Bol Aalwat said he is astonished with the lack of response from some Nuer Politicians and he called them “dim doom,” characterizing them as people who are slow in responding due to personal issues.

He said the silence of Nuer politicians, the likes of Dr Riak Gai Kok, the minister of health, Dr Marial Benjamin, minister of foreign affairs and international cooperation, Rachel Nyadak Paul deputy minister of information, and many others about the killings of their people has baffled him.

He said the true solution of the South Sudan’s future depends on vast majority of Equatorian elites, who at the moment are the buffers of the situation.

The SSLN Editorial team was ever grateful for Awat’s time and contribution but went away asking, will there be a another bloodshed when Dr. Riak Machar and the team return?

Editorial Team
South Sudan Liberty News.

In Memories of those killed by Kiir in Massacre from 15-17 December 2013

South Sudan’s Brutal Civil War Shows No Signs of Fading Away

By: John Juac, WINDSOR, Canada, DEC/15/2015, SSN;

When the Republic of South Sudan officially came into being in 2011, after seceding from Muslim Arab Sudan, a large crowd waved the new southern flag during euphoric celebrations that swept across the world’s newest state. Then the new state was bursting with pride and great expectations and the founding fathers seemed to hold its future in their hands.

They were seen as the living repositories of the grand potential of a future South Sudan. So hope was overflowing among its diverse population, but the dreadful eruptions of violence which followed independence caused great uncertainty.

South Sudan’s first government was led by the leading liberation movement, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). The SPLM and its national army, the SPLA, however are fragile coalitions of various militias and political entities that fought against each other during a long north-south civil war, and no any authentic national reconciliation process was undertaken after the 2005 peace.

All these factions and militia were brought together in the final run up to independence.

But much of this coalition building was achieved by adding various militias to the national army, but never fully integrating them.

The political alliances were covered over but did not resolve the competing political claims. Both the party and the army were unable to contain the competing ambitions and dissensions.

Despite independence, the country was divided against itself, and after just two years, in December 2013, it descended into a brutal civil war when disagreements between the president and the vice president led to fighting among government soldiers in Juba, the capital of new state.

The violence then spread across the land blinded by irrationality. Today, there are assertions by foreign think tanks that the 21-month-old civil war is about who will rule independent South Sudan, but it is more than just who will rule the country.

It marks the culmination of a year-long silent crisis in the ruling party, a crisis now so deep that the conflict will also determine whether the party of thieves and maniac warriors will survive at all as a viable political organization and ideology.

In other words, the situation in South Sudan is a tragedy in every sense of the word, first of all for the people who are suffering and those who have already lost family members and friends; second because the independence for which South Sudanese fought for many years is being wasted on internal warfare rather devoted to the needs of the people.

Hundreds of thousands of South Sudanese have died in senseless war, and many more have fled their homes after experiencing horrible crimes committed not only by government soldiers but numerous militant armed groups as well.

The main warring parties, the rebel SPLM led by Riek Machar and undemocratic SPLM in power under by Salva Kiir, had recently reached a negotiated settlement, but fighting is still ongoing in South Sudan despite a growing humanitarian crisis in the nascent country with fragile political structure.

On the final note, at the core of South Sudanese politics, there is the notion of conflict, but this is not what makes it specific and distinct.

All concepts of politics, whatever the kind, are about conflict and how to contain it. What is specific about Sudanese politics is what it declares the nature of the conflict to be and what it proclaims to be its necessary outcome.

In the liberal view of politics, conflict exists in terms of fundamental problems which need to be solved, and the hidden assumption is that conflict needs not run very deep. It can be managed by the exercise of reason and goodwill and readiness to compromise and agree.

Thus, politics is not internal warfare but a constant process of bargaining and accommodation, on the basis of accepted procedures, and between people who have decided as a preliminary that they can and want to live together more harmoniously.

South Sudan’s approach to conflict, however, is very different. Its approach is not a matter of the problems to be solved but of a state of domination and subjection to be ended by a civil war and by a total transformation of the conditions which gave rise to it in the first place.

This sort of approach has led to a campaign of incitement to ethnic hatred and use of violence for political end. In this situation, ethnic factors have played a role in the present conflict.

But I hope that one day we will manage to transform political despotism into political democracy and ethnic hatred and violence into a South Sudanese great patriotism.

What is meant by a South Sudanese great patriotism is the burning sensation of boundless love, unreserved devotion toward the homeland, deep responsibility for its fate and defense- it bubbles from the depths of people like a mighty spring.

We must be South Sudanese who are first among equals and who must treat each other with a holy feeling of friendship, love and gratitude.

We must actively participate in the building of national consciousness and fight together the underdevelopment, as we did during the great patriotic war against Muslim Arab colonial enemies, who had attempted to convert our African heritage into Arab Islamic culture.

The compulsory national language classes must be introduced in our public schools and must become the medium of teaching to replace English and Arabic scripts.

The great patriotic war must be seen as an even greater emphasis on South Sudanese nationalism and heroes from our past such as Late John Garang and other fallen heroes.

We must also remember that the creation of the nation-state is often the result of a vast effort by politicians, civil servants and civil society through the use of power of the national media, the national flag, and the national anthem, instruction in schools and publicity for sporting success to integrate population into the state.

In these circumstances, it is very easy to place the rights of the state and nation above those of individual.

In last resort, it has been asserted that the state has the right to mobilize its citizens and call on them to die for nation. It is impossible to construct a state that does not meet the ideal of a nation-state.

If the would-be reader is familiar with the literature on the ex-colonial states on African continent, they were artificial creations, many of them stemming from lines drawn on a map somewhere in Europe in the late nineteenth century or at the end of the First World War. They cut across tribal and ethnic boundaries with little regard for the people involved.

However, the new states which emerged in Europe claimed to be not just states but nations. They were seen as the embodiment of a particular people, their history, their language, their religion and their culture, all of which were different from those of any other group.

So having similar history, religion and culture, we must be one people and one nation in order to preserve peace and security in our ancestral home. Although some claim that nationalism is a highly ambiguous concept, it is the process of nation-building.

This aspect is particularly important for a new state like South Sudan which is trying to establish itself as an independent entity against outside pressure and begin the long process of modernization and creation of an industrial economy.

In fact, nationalism is derived from the existence of the people and its function is to mold these people, whom are a disparity tribal groups into a common identity.

A single national language is created from a multitude of local and regional languages, mainly through the power of the national media, leading to an achievement of unity, stability and order in a nation without tribalism and other conflicts.

In South Sudan, nationalism must be seen as a progressive force and not regressive one in the building of the modern state, and therefore we must take up this long process of nation-building to reach its conclusion.

We must be an identifiable national unit, even though we are highly diverse, with separate languages and cultures contained within an overall identity.

I wish you Merry Christmas and happy for 2016.

John Juac Deng