Category: More Views

Judiciary of South Sudan: A Paralyzed and Dysfunctional Third of Arm of Government

By Tong Kot Kuocnin, LLB (Juba), LLM (Nairobi), Specialist in Law, Governance & Democracy, JUN/20/2017, SSN;

In most of my preceding articles on the state of the Judiciary of South Sudan, on how best this great institution can function effectively, efficiently and independently from the other arms of the government, I have had a number of cocktail ideas inadvertently swarming in my mind on how best I can contribute as a law abiding citizen of this country on the quest for an equal, just and prosperous society guided by the principles of natural justice, equality and liberty.

I have had in a number of times shared my thoughts and ideas on how the judiciary of South Sudan should indeed be made to meet its standard and its rightful place as an institution charged with sole responsibility to deliver and administer justice to the populace.

I have had all the time sleepless nights and days as I felt like not contributing in the quest for justice and judicial reforms much needed by our great institution as well as the people of South Sudan.

I also felt obliged not to accept, as a member of legal fraternity, the shame that befalls on us as this institution is only led, manage and administered by only and only lawyers who are deemed and presumed to be the best among the community of lawyers, people with high moral conscience and integrity, highly trained in the field of law to do nothing but administer justice to the people.

As I am left with no more words to explain and describe the state of the judiciary of South Sudan given my numerous articles and writings about the state of our judiciary, the conditions the judges and justices who are servants tasked to deliver justice impartially and without any favour to any of the adversaries faces, I shall in this article labour again to bring to the attention of not only the people of South Sudan but to the entire world of the pathetic state our judiciary has been plunged into.

As we may all recall, the Republic of South Sudan gained independence from the Sudan on the 9th of July 2011 following an overwhelming referendum vote on self-determination by the people of Southern Sudan. However, Article 123(2) of the Transitional Constitution established the Judiciary, independent of the Executive and Legislature and with a budget charged on the consolidated fund thus guaranteeing both political and financial independence from the other arms of the government.

Hitherto, the unusual process of becoming independent from both pre-existing and existing political and legal entity thus far created unresolved problems for our judiciary.

The Judiciary of South Sudan indeed inherited part of the Judiciary of the Republic of the Sudan upon which it broke cords, a judiciary that was highly weak, corrupt and was based on the principles of Sharia’a law with Arabic as an official language.

Judicial power according to Article 123(1) of the Transitional Constitution is derived from the will of the people of South Sudan and shall be exercise by courts in accordance with customs, values, norms and aspirations and in conformity with the constitution and the law but not the President of the Republic.

Thus, this literally translates that legally and practically, the strength of the Judiciary lies not in the Head of the State but in the people’s confidence that the institution can indeed administer and deliver justice fairly and impartially to the people of South Sudan.

Unfortunately, the judiciary is said to be one of the most corrupt institutions in the country in which corruption both administratively and financially has taken toll within the judiciary thus leaving the institution in these pathetic conditions.

There is such an outspoken outcry by all judges and justices that there is untold corruption, nepotism and influence by the Executive in the exercise and discharge of the Judiciary’s functions and duties.

This was put to test when the former SPLM Secretary General challenged the president’s orders to suspend him as a Secretary General and hence from the party as well.

The independence of the Judiciary was also put to test again when the Alliance of the Opposition parties challenged the Presidential Order creating Twenty-Eight (28) States which led to the unlawful removable and dismissal of Justice Ruben Madol as Deputy Chief Justice and Justice of the Supreme Court as well, a move which violates and contravenes the provisions of Article 135(2) of the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011 and section 8(2) of the Judicial Service Council Act, 2008 respectively.

This is the state of the judiciary of South Sudan and it will continue to be under the incumbent Chief Justice whose protection and legitimacy rest on the shoulders of the Head of State even when has lost respect, veneration and legitimacy from the members of the Judiciary.

It has to be bore in mind that the decline in public confidence, the disdain from other arms of government, and the dissipation of internal confidence within the judiciary, are the enduring legacies of the Judiciary’s own historical injustices which are evidence of an institution that hungers for renewal and a complete restoration of its lost constitutional mission and mandate.

The overweening influences of the executive has created an enfeebled judiciary, an arm of government strikingly reluctant to play its classical role in the defence and upholding of the constitutional principle of separation of powers.

This has created an institution plagued by both social and administrative corruption and inefficiency causing a veritable figure of scorn at odds with the public interest.

It has become an institution marred by crisis of confidence which was supposed to be enjoyed by both litigants and the public at large.

These pathologies, however, saw the institution develop toxic insularity and cold insensitivity and internalized privilege and entitlement rather than service to the nation and its people.

Hence, paralyzation and creeping dysfunctionality, unprofessionalism and corruption became the immediate result; as well as institutional ignominy, the resultant effect.

We have a duty to restore the Judiciary to its rightful constitutional place, and forge a new relationship with the public whose duty it exists to serve.

Therefore, the transformation of the Judiciary from a paralyzed and dysfunctional arm of the government must achieve at least three lost objectives:
—– first, it must reset the relationship between judiciary and other arms of government molded on the principle of separation of powers premised on the principle of robust independence and constructive interdependence, where the judiciary will reposition itself as a strong, effective and equal independent arm of government while engaging other agencies in the administration of justice within acceptable confines of the constitution as the grundnorm.

—– Second, the Judiciary must reorient its organizational culture to customize it with the exigencies of its social realities and its institutional design and leadership style needed to reflect known models of modern management science.

—– Third, and most important, it must emerge and operate as a service entity which serves the people. It must win back public confidence; express itself with such authority and integrity that the public will always respect its opinions and decisions even when they disagree with those opinions and decisions.

The Judiciary must recapture public imagination, not through its outdated aristocratic poise and rituals, but through the rigor of its jurisprudence.

It’s obvious that the Judiciary of South Sudan under its current leadership faces a number of challenges with respect to leadership and management.

The key ones include chronic under-capacity in leadership and management offices, lack of mentorship from the senior echelon, excessive centralization, and absence of consultancy, privatization and personalization of leadership spaces from the top leadership, clientelism, poor attitudes and ethics, discrimination and ethnicity and a weak culture of professionalism in the management of the courts.

Each leadership and management office such as the offices of the Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice, Presidents of the Courts of Appeal, presidents of the High Court and resident Magistrates are supposed to have efficient professional and executive offices designed to support them to deliver their responsibilities.

The Judiciary was supposed to standardize offices in all court stations to eliminate the variations and asymmetries that presently exist.

In a nutshell however, the primary responsibility for the successful and sustainable transformation of the Judiciary rests with its leadership, management and staff at all levels and in all capacities.

A clear and robust organizational design, a dynamic leadership and management team; and a competent and motivated staff are conditions necessary for a successfully transformed Judiciary.

Rest assured that to have these reforms and transformation take place, the Judiciary needs a new face and not the incumbent under whose leadership the judiciary lost confidence in the public hence creating an enfeeble judiciary, one that has submitted to the Executive arm of government and relegated its independence, neutrality and impartiality.

The Judiciary must be restructured to have these reforms and complete transformation takes place to meet the demands of the public and continue to enjoy respect and command confidence of the people.

Under the incumbent Chief Justice, the Judiciary of South Sudan is an institution designed to fail, so frail in its structures, so low on confidence enjoys by litigants, so weak in its public support that is expected from it to deliver justice timely, and so deficient in its integrity.

This is the state of the judiciary of South Sudan under the incumbent Chief Justice. One month plus on, the Judiciary of South Sudan has collapsed before our eyes as the judges and justices went on an open strike due to the deplorable and pathetic conditions they have been undergoing since the independence of South Sudan from Sudan.

The collapse of the laws is the collapse of the state and the society; hence the collapse of the Judiciary of South Sudan is the collapse of South Sudanese society for this is the only institution which safeguards the conducts and omissions of other arms of government.

Last Word on Kiir’s National Dialogue: It’s no dialogue but a mockery of it


The swearing in of a 94-member steering committee to head the national dialogue should not be a source of joy for all of us but rather we should be prepared for more crisis or even future war.

It is the missed opportunity as the President has again failed this time to do what is required for the national dialogue to be successful and to bring a permanent peace in a country facing war like South Sudan.

It is sad to blatantly state that the current national dialogue of President Kiir is not national dialogue when tested on common sense principle but rather it is something which is like a “national monologue,” which in my opinion is but a mockery.

This Dialogue established by President Kiir is a recipe for future war in South Sudan. This is because it will not bring permanent peace in the country. Though, the war may stop now, that does not mean that it is the current national dialogue that has brought peace but the war has just been postponed for future generation.

For that reason, it is sad to see the country being bogged down in vicious cycle of violence and to also see the liberator turned president losing sight of the long cherished principles of justice, liberty and prosperity in South Sudan.

In fact, for South Sudan to realize these principles, there must be someone who is solely concerned with the protection of the lives and welfare of South Sudanese but not power and wealth.

These are what are understood to be the ultimate aims of politics in South Sudan, which is contrary to the leaders that South Sudan wants.

Leaders that South Sudan wants as already stated in the above paragraph are selfless individuals whose goals and objectives are that of the country guided by the principles of justice, liberty and prosperity for all South Sudanese.

Failure to get the leaders of the type as described in this paragraph to run the country will keep the country on prolonged war and indefinite crisis.

Once the crises have been the order of the day in any country it will be hard to end them quickly. South Sudan has reached that state of unending crises and once the armed stage has been reached in any conflict, it is always difficult to stop it and the longer an armed struggle continues, the more difficult this becomes.

In the unending crises like the case of an internal armed conflict like what we see in the context of South Sudan, the only viable option to such crises is to engage in a process of negotiations, which is an essential step in finding a solution.

This article, therefore, is the last word on the President Kiir’s dialogue which is a mockery of national dialogue in its real sense.

The president in fact disguised his plan to frustrate all attempts to solve the conflict which may affect his personal interest to remain in power by coming up with this substandard national dialogue.

For the National Dialogue to be described as such, it must be unconditional, which lacks in the present national dialogue of President Kiir.

It was therefore a mistake for the President to establish the National dialogue and then restricted it in respect as to who should participate in it and who should not. Restricting it as such as witnessed in the case of Dr. Riek Machar who the President refused to participate was the beginning of the failure of the said national dialogue and we are wasting time and national resources on what is not going to be successful in the end.

As I have already stated above, this article is my last word in this regard is that the current President Kiir’s National Dialogue, which is not a national dialogue nor is it a national monologue as many call, but it’s a mockery of national dialogue.

I have stated here that it is not national dialogue because of the following reasons—
First all, for the national dialogue to bring permanent peace it must be inclusive. This means that all key interest groups such as women, youth, opponents or rebels in the case of South Sudan and other hated groups should be invited to take part in negotiation.

Because of a need to create trust and deeper understanding among all the participants, the process of national dialogue must begin as a political process. For the process to be deemed as political process it must be accepted by all parties that must be inclusive, transparent, and consultative in the preparatory phase that sets the foundation for a genuine national dialogue after that.

In relation to the above, the decision on how a national dialogue should be made by all the parties to the conflict as was the case in South Africa in 1990s. For example, before the National Dialogue was conducted in South Africa, the opposition parties were all invited and in response to invitation, they formed the “Convention for a Democratic South Africa” or CODESA, whose aim was to form part of a political negotiating process.

The CODESA, as a whole was divided into various working groups that worked on the preparation for national reconciliation, which took a period of two years i.e. 1991-2. These Working Groups met and negotiated frequently and after that they eventually delivered their reports on their agreements and recommendations.

This example from South Africa clearly illustrates the fact that the national dialogue is almost like the real political process that results into ordinary peace agreements as was seen in the case of Compromised Peace Agreement (the CPA), 2015.

Nonetheless, the only difference between the ordinary peace agreements and the national dialogues or national reconciliations is that whereas on one hand the former is negotiated between the warring parties only as seen in the case of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), 2005, the national dialogue on the other hand, involves the whole nation.

Otherwise, the two are the same in a way that peace process involves intense political process as the dialogue itself.

To sum up on this point, for the national dialogue to be successful, there must be preparations, which are undertaken carefully and transparently by a preparatory committee that must be inclusive of all major parties to the conflict.

In respect to South Sudan in relation to this point, what the President ought to have done was to give independence and neutral party to the conflict responsibility to invite unconditionally all parties to the conflict including Dr. Riek Machar in South Sudan to negotiating table where they would agree on comprehensive and permanent cease-fire which will be followed by agreement on how national dialogue should be conducted.

Failure to do this confirms my last word on President Kiir’s Dialogue that it is neither a national dialogue nor a national monologue but it is a mockery of national dialogue.

The second reason I deem the present process in South Sudan not to be regarded as national dialogue is that it is not transparent since it lacks public participation.

The present so-called national dialogue is only composed all friends to the president who are not neutral and because of that it is in risks of or has lost legitimacy at the start. This is because there is a serious restriction on the public participation and also no way to keep the public informed about the process of national dialogue given the rampant insecurity in the country.

For the national dialogue to be successful, it must go beyond the delegates who are in the room. Hence, a national dialogue, should therefore, have mechanisms to include the broader population so that the public is able to understand the whole process and further able to contribute to the process of national dialogue.

Thus, the broad participation can only be achieved by linking local dialogue processes to the national dialogue, as well as through public consultations, regular outreach, and coverage in the media.

Failure to involve the greater public by the present proposed national dialogue makes not to be transparent which shows that it is very weak and consequently it will never achieve its purpose. This explains the fact that it is not a national dialogue as some people have perceived it.

Thirdly, a national dialogue must be led by a credible convener. The credible convener means the one who heads the dialogue. This is important as it helps to secure the participation of a wide variety of stakeholder groups since the process can be fair as it avoids the perceptions of biasness. Hence, a credible convener is very utmost important.

The convener may take the form of a single person, a group of people, an organization, or a coalition of organizations. Besides that, the convener must be a respected individual or group of persons or the convener should be respected by the majority of citizens and should not have any political aspirations or goals that would present an obvious conflict of interest.

The recent processes in Tunisia and Senegal for example, owe much of their success to the credibility of the conveners.

Relating this point to the present South Sudanese National dialogue, it is my contention that the convener appointed by President Kiir though may be neutral it is not credible as he is old and also his appointment is not sanctioned by all the parties to the conflict.

This may make him or two of them not credible conveners in the real sense and hence the said national dialogue is not national dialogue in the actual sense.

Fourthly, for the process to be termed as national dialogue, it must be topped by the agenda that addresses the root causes of conflict. This is because a national dialogue seeks to reach agreement on key issues facing a country.

It is for that reason, months or even years of pre-negotiation or consultation is needed purposely to allow the parties to identify and agree upon the fundamental issues that constitute the basis of the conflict.

The issues such as national identity, political rights, basic freedoms, institutional reforms or constitutional reform, equitable sharing of resources, election procedures, and the structure of government, which are central to the conflicts in South Sudan must be considered in the national dialogue negotiation or process.

Hence, a national dialogue’s agenda should provide for substantive conversation around the major grievances of all key interest groups in the country.

As seen in the above explanation the national dialogue must be started with the identification of the root causes of the conflict. This is important because once such root causes are identified and addressed, the permanent peace can be secured and the brighter future of citizens assured.

It is because of this fact the present proposed Kiir’s national dialogue is not a national dialogue in the real sense.

Fifthly, for a national dialogue to be called national dialogue and to achieve its purpose there must be clear mandate, structure, rules and procedures. This is because National dialogues often take place outside the existing institutions of government.

The reason for conducting it outside the government is that the sitting government and existing institutions are unable to resolve the major issues at hand, either because they are seen as neither legitimate nor credible, or because they are unwilling to challenge the status quo.
It is for the above reason a national dialogue is supposed to have its own set of procedures and rules for making decisions, which should be transparent and carefully geared towards the goal of achieving its purpose which is permanent peace.

There must be procedures that should include mechanisms to break deadlocks if an agreement cannot be reached. Furthermore, there must be a clear mandate that gives authority to a national dialogue committee. This must be established either through a peace agreement, law, presidential decree, or some other manner.

For example, the clear mandate of Tunisia’s national dialogue allowed delegates to make steady progress toward four goals: selecting a caretaker government, approving a new constitution, establishing an electoral management body, and setting a timetable for elections.

In relation to South Sudan, the National Dialogue Committee should have been given clear mandate to achieve four clear goals as stated in the above paragraph. This is important because there is a need to establish a new system which will involve dismantling the current system.

Failure give the national dialogue committee mandate to carry out the activities as explained here makes the present national dialogue not a national dialogue in actual sense.

Sixth, for a national dialogue to achieve its purpose there must be agreed mechanism for implementation of outcomes. Hence, national dialogue should clearly lay out the plan that will ensure that the resulting recommendations from the pre- and national dialogue negations are implemented.

As already pointed out above, the plan mechanism should involve the enactment of a new constitution, law, policy, or other programs and it must also take into considerations the issues of transitional justice, constitution making, and elections.

It must be noted that without a clear implementation plan, a national dialogue is at risks of consuming extensive time and resources without producing any tangible results.

This is because the political transition achieved through wrong procedure, which is produced by hastily organized national dialogue is a failure.

For that reason, for a national dialogue to be successful in South Sudan, it must have clear agreed mechanisms that will guide the transitional government in implementation of the outcomes of the national dialogue, which importantly include a political transition.

Lastly but not least, what makes the present national dialogue not a dialogue in the real sense is because the President does not have powers to institute the National Dialogue Committee.

The committee and the convener that should be selected to constitute national dialogue needed in South Sudan must be agreed by all the parties to the conflict, which is not the case in our purported national dialogue.

In conclusion, my last word on national dialogue of Kiir as based on all the reasons given above is that it is not a national dialogue in the real sense. Thus, for it to be national dialogue it must meet the principles explained above which in brief are inclusiveness; transparency, credible convener; it must be able to address the root causes of conflict in South Sudan; it must have a clear mandate, structure, rules, and procedures and agreed mechanism for implementation of the outcomes.

Without meeting these principles, I am afraid the constituted national dialogue has failed from the start. This is my last word!

NB//: the author is the human rights law and can be reached through:

Our land, Oil, 16 May, Citizenship & Nationality – taken away by Chinese Masters: Is it New Colonization or Slavery in South Sudan?

By: Daniel Juol Nhomngek, Kampala, Uganda, MAY/16/2017, SSN;

***South Sudan has oil but does not know the terms of the contract with the Chinese Contractors. From this oil contract, South Sudan’s government made $316 million from oil sales in about seven months in 2016, the UN says and in March 2017, South Sudan was declared to be under threat of famine.
***At least half of the country’s budget is being spent on arms even though a famine has been declared.
***South Sudanese workers who are the owners of the oil are working in worse conditions than slaves: they are paid peanuts, work under worse conditions. Government officials are bribed to award Chinese Masters contracts whose terms they do not know.
***The China National Petroleum Company (CNPC), the biggest investor in South Sudan’s oilfields is the master and the controller of oil resources while South Sudanese are slaves on their land.
***South Sudan’s oil is proving to be one of the trickiest puzzles: it has 7 billion barrels in proven reserves, small compared with African oil giants such as Nigeria but enough, if it was all extracted, to meet the oil needs of the United States for a year.

How South Sudan uses its oil, which accounts for almost all of the country’s income is not clear. But war and corruption rules the oil drilling.

We all fought the war. The main reason we fought the war was to control our resources so that we use them for the development of ourselves and our country. This was the hope every South Sudanese had before independence of South Sudan. This in fact is a well founded hope as South Sudan in actual sense is a large country endowed with a lot of resources.

According to African Economic Outlook, Special Thematic Edition of 2013, South Sudan is a large (619 745 square kilometers) country that is very rich in natural resources, many of which remain to be discovered. It also pointed out that the available natural resources are water, hydro-power, fertile agricultural land (about 90% of which is arable land), gold, diamonds, petroleum (with proven reserves of 7 million barrels), hardwoods, limestone, iron ore, copper, chromium ore, zinc, tungsten, mica and silver.

Furthermore, South Sudan has a lot of wildlife of which protected area of Bandingilo National Park that hosts the second-largest wildlife migration in the world is one of them. Besides, South Sudan is rich in agricultural land, which includes the largest populations of pastoralists in the world.

In spite of the many resources as listed in the above paragraph, South Sudan remains one of the poorest countries in the world because it has not utilized other resources except the oil or petroleum. Hence, this article discusses the management of oil contracts in South Sudan; negative impact such mismanagement has on South Sudanese citizens, corruption embedded in and surrounding oil production and business, mysteries about the oil contract, negative impact the oil production has on citizens.

Above all, disenfranchisement of citizens which made them to become slaves in their own land while Chinese citizens exploiting and killing them by supplying guns to both rebels and the government, which end up being used indiscriminately against innocent citizens. Hence, my discussion will be as explained in this paragraph.

What needs to be noted at the onset of this article is our oil contract is controlled by Chinese and Khartoum. This is because the oil contact which establishes the relationship between South Sudan and China was the one signed between Khartoum and China before independence of South Sudan.

However, since independence, South Sudan has not reviewed the said contract and does not have any intention to review it. The reason for this reluctance is not known.

Nevertheless, it appears that the failure of the Government to demand the contract from China and Khartoum is due to two reasons as explained below:—

First, there is lack of seriousness and political will on the side of the government or if not there must be a dominant group of people within the government who are benefiting from the oil and because of that their desire is to leave things as they are. This is the first possible reason.

Second, the failure of the Government of South Sudan to review the oil contract may be due to the fact that China threatens South Sudan if it insists on reviewing the said oil contract. Otherwise, if that is not the case, then under ordinary circumstances, any Sovereign Country would not allow herself to go into a contract that it has not understood.

In fact, the first action the Government of South Sudan would have taken immediately after independence was to recall all contracts signed by Khartoum in regard to South Sudan oil and other resources in order to review them.

However, that was not done by Juba and it is not clear why Juba decided to continue with the contract signed by Khartoum with China though its terms are not up to date disclosed to the government of South Sudan.

In addition, failure to adhere to the principles of transparency and accountability in oil management in South Sudan has left corruption at oil sector flourishing uncontrollably.

To prove this fact one has to go to Juba city and other towns in South Sudan to see what is going there. For instance, if one goes there with the purpose of proving this point, the first thing he or she notices on the streets of Juba, the capital of South Sudan and other towns is a lot of white Toyota Land Cruisers, V8, Hammers and other expensive cars.

All these cars except for the UN and foreign missions, are bought with oil money and since oil constitutes 98% of country’s income, no much money is left to develop and provide services to the people.

Thus, all services are not available because of corruption which has very much affected oil sector, which is the only source of money in the country. Even this sector generates more than enough money but all is stolen.

What even worries me or complicates or worsens the matters is the lack of knowledge about the debts South Sudan owes to other countries and the World Bank. This is because debt management is poor since there is no transparency and accountability in borrowing and terms of repayment. In other words, debts owed to other countries by South Sudan are not known.

However, the recent International Monetary Fund report for 2016 on the Republic of South Sudan staff under article iv consultation concerning the debt sustainability analysis, economic crisis and continued political instability, it has been found out:
“That the total external debt remained at about US$1 billion through 2016; that by June 2016, debt to the World Bank amounted to US$34 million on IDA terms, while US$100 million had been borrowed from China Exim Bank to reconstruct Juba international airport. That the balance of outstanding oil advances from international oil companies and traders is estimated at US$219 million. Finally, the Bank of South Sudan (BSS) has an outstanding liability to the Qatar National Bank amounting to about US$610 million, originating from short-term credit facilities (guaranteed by the Government of South Sudan) that fell into arrears in 2015”.

In addition, on April 16, 2015 the Eye Radio reported Dr. Lam Akol to have said that the government had accumulated more than ten billion US dollars in foreign debt, which he said is not a secret, although he did not disclose the source of the information (visit:

It should be noted that since 2008, China and South Sudan have concluded agreements worth about 10 billion USD and the latter through official channels has expressed willingness to have Beijing’s support for projects worth 8 billion USD (visit: › Home › Politics).

All the money mentioned above are not granted for free but they are debts that must be repaid by the Government of South Sudan with interests. What is even bad is that there is nothing to be shown as a project on which the above money was spent on.

This is because the lenders do not monitor how the money borrowed from them is spent by the government. Hence, all money borrowed end in individuals’ pockets.

It should be observed that it is oil under the ground which is being sold by the present government and by the time it has gone, South Sudan would be left without oil but unpaid debts that will make us slaves to creditors, the ownership of our resources will be taken away by Chinese Masters and others business organizations.

Oil companies have corrupted the system in South Sudan by circumventing rules of procurement through bribes. This enables them to find their way straight to top officials with plans, hence bypassing the law or other arrangements and are awarded contract though they have not qualified under the strict procurement rules. Lack of accountability and transparency hides this serious corruption.

To make the matters worse, some of the South Sudanese technocrats that had returned from Sudan or other countries with knowledge to work in South Sudan’s oil industry have conspired with the Chinese Oil contractors; hence, declining to publish figures like oil output and revenue, which they consider too important to reveal.

We cannot blame China much but our government of South Sudan since it is the one duty-bound to fight for the interest of citizens of South Sudan.

Sadly enough, our government is acting like an imperialist government which only works for private interests. Currently, our government has allowed control over oil to be exercised by Sudan and China, which still have absolute control over oil resources in the country.

As a result, Chinese treat citizens of South Sudan working at oil sector like slaves: they are paid less than wages or salaries given to the Chinese workers or employees though South Sudanese workers or employees may be more qualified than their Chinese counterparts.

In order to remain in control of the oil, China is fueling the war by supplying guns to both rebels and the government, though the supplies to the government is more than to the rebels as the Government is presumed to be in control of the oil.

In order to take control over our oil, the Chinese must be forced to be more transparent.

The country’s rulers are struggling to crush several rebellions using arms from China purposely supplied to keep the war going so that they benefit out of the chaotic domestic politics as the government and oppositions are struggling for power, money, politics and resources and for the government to maintain their dominance over the country resources.

NB// the author is human rights lawyer and can be reached through:

Ukraine on the spot for massive $264 Million arms sale to South Sudan


The United Nations has accused Ukraine of supplying weapons to South Sudan against an international embargo.

A report by the UN Panel of experts (PoE) monitoring the international compliance with the arms embargo on South Sudan, disclosed that Ukraine was supplying weapons that have perpetuated the conflict in the famine-ridden country.

PoE cited the case of an ilyunshinil-76 transport aircraft that departed from Kharkiv airport in Ukraine, bound for Gulu in Uganda on January 27, 2017.

Jets and engines

It said the aircraft manifest indicated that it contained two L-39 jets and engines provided by Musket OU, a company based in Tallinn, that were overhauled, and that the flight was operated by the Ukranian Defence ministry.

“Subsequently, the government of Ukraine confirmed to the Panel that the two jets were listed as being operated by the Ugandan military and that the end user certificates indicated that the aircraft were to be used only for advanced piloting training,” the report reads.

However, PoE disclosed it was investigating if the aircraft were transported to South Sudan following reports that there was a new military plane with obscured marking, parked at the Juba International Airport.

During battles

PoE also revealed that it was probing another Hungarian fighter jet pilot Tibor Czingali, who was contracted by the Ugandan Air Force, but had allegedly been seen flying South Sudanese L-39 aircraft.

The experts believed that jets based in Uganda were operating in South Sudan during battles between government forces and rebels.

PoE has recently received documentation from a confidential source that details a contract, signed in June 2014 by two National Security Service officers, for a company based in Seychelles to provide weapons to the South Sudanese Internal Security Bureau of the Service, headed by Akol Koor.

Heavy weapons

The contract sum was reported to be $264 million, covering a large quantity of heavy weapons, small arms and ammunition.

“Among the items are 30 T-55 tanks, 20 ZU-23 anti-aircraft weapons, 5,000 rounds of T-55 tank ammunition, 10 BM-21 “Grad” rocket systems, 10, 000 122-mm M21OF rockets, 3, 000 S8 rockets for Russian-made Mi-24 attack helicopters, 20 million rounds of 7.62X39mm ammunition, 50, 000 AK-47 assault rifles and 12,000 RPG-7 rounds. The Panel is investigating this order to establish whether it was executed as outlined,” the report noted.

Key entry points

The panel report also detailed that the border areas between South Sudan, the Sudan and Uganda remained key entry points for arms to Juba, adding that more weapons were reportedly flowing into the war torn country through the Democratic Republic of Congo.

It also alleged that there were persistent reports and public accusations of arms being flown to South Sudan government forces by Egypt.

PoE said it had interviewed one Pierre Dadak, a jailed polish arms dealer who revealed that between January and June 2014, the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army-In Opposition, under Riek Machar command, approached him seeking 40,000 AK-47 rifles, 200,000 boxes of AK-47 ammunition, 30,000 PKM machine guns, 3,000 anti-tank rounds, 300 anti-tank guns and 300 anti-aircraft guns.

Humanitarian crises

South Sudan has been at war since 2013 after a major fallout between President Salva Kiir and Dr Machar.

The country was is currently battling one of the world’s biggest humanitarian crises caused by the conflict. END

South Sudan Economic Crisis: Presidency is both the blame & the solution

BY: Thondit Ayolcuer Majiec , MAY/03/2017, SSN;

Before I could tell you how the presidency has failed to avert this crisis from occurring, let me remind some of you that our president has done some good things before things started going astray, noticeably, the followings are undeniable good things his administration has done for this nation.

Our president himself is very patient man, it was alleged that during the liberation days, he was not given lots of money that he could have used to rent for his house in Nairobi because he’s a man with vision, he wasn’t seen leading a quarrel with his boss by then, Dr. Garang.

When he succeeded Dr. Garang, he managed to ensure national cohesion for all South Sudanese, his administration managed to exist as a result national cohesion against the common enemy (Arab) and the independence of South Sudan in 2011 was achieved.

President Salva Kiir is a man of peace as evidenced by so many amnesties his administration had been giving to various rebels factions.

However, his administration went astray as evidenced by the following narratives:—
1…Failure to control economically all his executive and legislature. In my view this point is the major cause of this crisis because, if he had controlled what went into the pockets of those who’d been working with him and those large and forged withdrawals from Central bank unless approved only approved by him.

2…More importantly, if he had led by example so that his office is free from corruption and numerous thieves, he’d have averted this very crisis. His signature and stamp were reportedly forged by people who worked in his office on faked payments paid by the Bank of South Sudan.

3…It is one of the reasons that showed his administration’s lack of control. As I write, it’s reported that our nation has depleted its reserves.

4…Due to of lack of control, many people looted our nation and that was how list of 75 thieves emerged.

5…Failure to invest in government parastatals, our government has never invested in any income generating activity but instead relied on oil, no agricultural schemes established, no good roads except Nimule road, no functioning sugar plantation and sugar factory, no functioning cotton farms, no functioning simsim plantations and simsim factory.

6…Because of the education sector’s weakness, our people have their children taken to Uganda and Kenya, as I write our girls in Nairobi are called “black gold” (new term for South Sudanese Prostitutes) while they are selling themselves also in Uganda.

Is that what we fought for, are those girls not possible wives, sisters and daughters of South Sudan?

In short, the president has become friends to those few elites but not to the general public. Because of that, no one had been prosecuted for corruption by South Sudan Anti-corruption commission, nobody has been jailed leave alone recovery of the looted money.

It should be noted that all those that had been in Kiir’s administration are those with personal interests (enriching oneself, nothing more) just revisit the list of 75 thieves and you will concur with me.

For example Central bank is supposed to regulation money supply, control the value of currency through monitoring exchange rates, encourage commercial banks to lend out money to entrepreneurs or general public among others, instead it is just encouraging looting of national coffers.

One thing that has perplexed me in that emotion of appointing Dr. Othom Rago when he was part of the mess that happened in the Central bank…let’s wait for that Miracle of economic recovery with these old faces in the system.

Untimely joining of East African economic integration, I do not who advice Mr. President. Economic integrations are joined for mutual benefits but not just for the sake of joining. As I write our nation is a dumping grounds for fake drugs (medicines), expired food items, center of prostitutes for all East African prostitutes, center for all wanted criminals from East African countries.

In short there is nothing developmental from joining East African economic integration because we do not have what we could export to them in return.

Just move around Juba, you will never find any East African trader that has constructed a shop, restaurant or is involved in large scale business that employs citizens and generates a revenue to the government, they are all here to loot as much as they could and return to their respective countries.

Ever since Kiir administration came to power, there has been no long permanent roads constructed with exception of the Nimule road. The states are not connected to the national capital via tarmac roads, so the question is: what will the general public remember Kiir’s government with exception of being number two in the corruption index.

Talking of employment, Kiir administration has failed to ensure equitable employment of South Sudanese in NGO’s sector even though all NGOs are regulated and monitored by south Sudan relief and rehabilitation commission. As a matter of fact, all NGOs are dominated by few tribes.

Reliance of our nation of black market for exchanging hard currency. As I write if you walk into Forex bureaus in Juba or any commercial bank, you will not get the hard currency as the central bank’s rate, no hard currency in forex bureaus when they are meant to do the buying and selling of various currencies.

Black market now is the forex bureau that is our tragedy. It is only in South Sudan where black market is a parallel financial market. All that is the weakness of Central bank of South Sudan, instead of doing its work they are not doing their work but they are part and parcel to the flourishing of black market in South Sudan.

The last mistake that Kiir administration had done is rushing to become signatory to Human rights, our nation does not require rule of law but it requires jungle laws that used to exist during the bush.

For example when a soldier commits adultery or loots public resources, he is given a firing squad. Because of those laws, South Sudan was peaceful during war time than now. If his administration hds adopted elimination method, he would have eliminated various opponents by now and this nation would have been free from the nonsense of war now, its opponents would have been exiled, executed or lived in fear and that is what exactly in needed here.

When you are a politician, you are not like a priest, as such Kiir would have executed many of his opponents long time so that everyone listens to him, let him visit Rwanda and Uganda to understand what I am talking about.

In conclusion, I would like to recommend that the money that is to be obtained soon from donors to fight famine should be used wisely, we as general public or concerned citizens are concerned with results but not speeches or reading some good news of signing donations, aid or debts, but we care about results.

If citizens suffer under SPLM leadership, they will not forget their suffering now but remember it for years to come and this will negatively affect the party’s credibility. Everyone in your leadership seems to have forgotten what their professional ethics demand them to do but works against you by concentrating on looting.

South Sudan: New Spate of Ethnic Killings by Kiir’s government

Nairobi, APR/18/2017, SSN;

Urgent Need for Justice; UN Should Increase Patrols in Wau: Government soldiers and allied militias deliberately killed at least 16 civilians in South Sudan’s western town of Wau on April 10, 2017, in what appears to be an act of collective punishment, Human Rights Watch said today. The attacks were against people presumed to support the opposition because of their ethnicity.

The killings followed weeks of tensions in the area, where South Sudan’s government has carried out an abusive counterinsurgency operation since late 2015.

When the UN Security Council meets to discuss South Sudan later in April, it should condemn these crimes and ask the peacekeeping mission in South Sudan what steps it intends to take to deter further revenge killings in Wau and the surrounding area.

“The pattern of abuses by government forces against civilians in Wau has become predictable, with soldiers taking revenge against unarmed civilians based on their ethnicity,” said Daniel Bekele, senior director for Africa advocacy at Human Rights Watch. “The South Sudan authorities need to call a halt to the killings, investigate, and bring those responsible to justice.”

In November, a special investigation commissioned by the UN recommended that peacekeepers should move around in armored vehicles rather than remaining in their bases to better identify threats to civilian lives and prevent rapes on their doorstep.

The UN is expected to release an update on steps it has taken to carry out those recommendations on April 17.

Hostilities erupted on April 8, outside of Wau, when government forces opened an offensive on opposition-controlled areas and opposition groups counter-attacked. The opposition killed two high-ranking government officers, including a prominent member of the Dinka tribe from the neighboring Lakes region.

On April 10, government soldiers and Dinka militiamen went from house to house in ethnic Fertit and Luo neighbourhoods on the southwest side of Wau, and killed at least 16 civilians, apparently in retaliation for the killing of the two men.

Government authorities prevented UN peacekeepers from moving freely around the town, limiting their access to areas where the violence occurred.

The recent violence displaced nearly 8,000 people, about 3,800 of who sought safety in the Catholic church. Others have moved to a site adjacent to the United Nations’ Mission to South Sudan base, where more than 25,000 people had already gathered under UN protection.

A 26-year-old Fertit, mother-of-four, who is married to a Luo and was living in the Nazareth neighbourhood, said she was at home preparing a fire when she heard gunshots in the morning of April 10: “The attackers came over to my house. They wore civilian clothes, had their faces whitened with ashes, and carried spears and guns. I lied and told them that my husband was a Dinka and they said they would not kill me because I am their wife. They said: ‘don’t go out in the streets because we are killing people.’ When it calmed down, I went to my neighbor’s house. She had been shot in the eye. Her four children, between 3 and 15, were hiding under the bed. They were killed too. I saw their bodies.”

Human Rights Watch expressed concern about the possibility of further attacks on civilians, and urged the peacekeeping mission, UNMISS, to increase the number of troops stationed in Wau and to ensure adequate patrols of sensitive areas, such as around the Catholic church and southwest of the city.

After Kenyan troops withdrew from the peacekeeping mission in 2016, the contingent in Wau has been short staffed.

The UN’s response to the deteriorating situation in Wau will be an important test of the mission’s ability to improve protection of civilians in hostile environments, especially following attacks on bases in Malakal and Juba last year, Human Rights Watch said.

In Wau, the abuses have followed a familiar pattern in recent years, with hostilities between government soldiers and opposition forces followed by retaliatory attacks by mostly Dinka government forces and militias against ethnic Fertit and Luo civilians.

In May 2016, Human Rights Watch documented a surge in government abuses against civilians in Wau and surrounding villages beginning in late December 2015, after the government deployed a large numbers of new soldiers, mostly Dinka from the former states of Northern Bahr el-Ghazal and Warrap, to the area.

Government soldiers were responsible for a spate of targeted killings and arbitrary detentions and abuse of ethnic Fertit and Luo civilians in February and again in June. The violence and abuses in June forced more than 70,000 to flee.

South Sudan’s government has taken little action to stop these attacks on civilians. Following each round of violence in 2016, president Salva Kiir appointed investigation committees. The first one visited Wau in March and the second in in early July.

A report submitted to president Kiir on August 1 found that at least 50 civilians had been killed on June 24 and 25, more than 100 shops were looted, and tens of thousands of civilians were displaced; but no further criminal investigations or prosecutions were carried out.

While the media reported that the army executed two soldiers on July 22 who had been convicted by a military court for the murder of two civilians in a residential area of Wau, no other steps were taken.

On April 12, President Kiir announced an investigation of the most recent killings. But the government’s track record of investigating these kinds of incidents in Wau and its weak judicial system raise questions about its credibility. Credible criminal investigations and transparent judicial procedures against those responsible are urgently needed, Human Rights Watch said.

The government forces’ continuing crimes against civilians in Wau and the lack of accountability underscore the urgent need for the hybrid court envisioned in the 2015 peace agreement.

Despite the agreement, government soldiers have committed widespread violence against civilians, not just in Wau, but also in Juba, Malakal and the Equatorias, Human Rights Watch researchers found.

Human Rights Watch has also repeatedly called on the United Nations Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo on South Sudan to reduce harm to civilians by increasing the cost of weapons used to attack them.

In December 2016, an attempt to pass an arms embargo at the Security Council failed when eights members abstained. They included Egypt and Japan, which still sit on the Security Council.

“South Sudan’s military commanders have once again shown they won’t stop the abuse or hold anyone to account, and instead they obstruct peacekeepers from doing their jobs to protect civilians,” Bekele said. “The UN Security Council should make it clear that there will be a price to pay for this kind of obstruction.”

Governing under Pres. Kiir & vice Taban Gai is more problematic than we expected

BY: Santino Aniek, New York, USA, APR/16/2017, SSN;

I have lived for almost 40 years; I remember the war between South Sudanese and Khartoum regime, the humiliation and the shameless rebellion of 1991, the assassination of John Garang in 2005, and the senseless war of 2013. But, until now, I have never been ashamed to be a South Sudan citizen.

I always believed that, whether SPLM-IG or SPLM-IO, our leaders are basically good people who are reasonable and thoughtful, even if I did not agree with them.

But President Kiir Mayardit seems be not reasonable, his decision against the will of Ruweng people is not thoughtful, and it is considered as a brutal betrayal.

The man who President Kiir and the FVP Taban Deng Gai have chosen is a fraudster, a man who have done business with the mob, a discriminator, and a hater who thinks the people of Ruweng are always there only to serve their interest, a man who knows nothing of the world, and has no curiosity about the interest of Ruweng people.

Moreover, I do not believe that these men are good and decent people, and if they were as other people think, they should not involved in this dirty business of the FVP.

For more than ten years, we have been hearing from the so-called leaders in Juba about how horrible those who rebel against the government were, and this was the best description they could come up with.

But when it comes to cake sharing, the same horrible people will be the best people to the government to share the power with. In fact, a cruel and a rush decision by President Kiir and his FVP Taban that does not seem to have any new ideas or a reason to fix the core problems in South Sudan that has been facing our people since 2005.

It is the same reason that causes many people in South Sudan to rebel against the government of President Kiir. And at this point, it seems to prove that his decision is always about creating a conflict and not actually trying to bring every lasting peace to South Sudanese people.

Now, the ball is firmly on the court of Ruweng people, either to reject or to accept this cruel and rushed decision by two men who seem to adopt Khartoum tactic. The two men control the government and they share power by playing dirty politics.

But President Kiir made a promise in the end by assuring every Ruweng citizens around the country to stay home, the Monday rally has been cancelled, and the dialogue should continue by bringing Ruweng people’s representative to Juba.

However, the question in each and every Ruweng citizens is, did President Kiir or the Presidential Advisor, Hon. Tor Deng Mawien has lied to the people of Ruweng?

Basically a version of as a bigger false promise by President Kiir that would be better tells by the people of Ruweng a fairy tale. And now everyone with the knowledge on this issue knew it that President Kiir is not going to keep his promise because he never did.

As always the case, it is actually has to be made up of words that lead to a false promise in the highest office in the nation. Hence, that false promise has to actually tell us something about who will win, who will lose, and the people of Ruweng are the losers while the FVP Taban is now the winner of this dirty game.

Consequently, it tells who will be marginalized and how much it might cost the people of Ruweng for short-term security. And knowing that Ruweng people have the FVP’S plan in place and our people’s interest is getting picked apart by his supporters and interest groups on all sides is serious concern that need President Kiir’s reconsideration.

Because the key is that the FVP Taban is starting to look as popular as ants at a picnic in South Sudan. Today, the people of Ruweng have to guess that with the FVP Taban is running the show in the entire country, our people in Ruweng land will not like the end result of this dirty game of interest.

Therefore, our powerful friends of Ruweng people should start lining up in opposition to the President’s decision in order to reverse this betrayal against the peace loving people in the nation. This harmful decision will make Ruweng people insecure and toothless in the era of Taban Deng Gai.

Yet, perhaps the most threatening to the long-term security of Ruweng people is the return of the FVP Taban to Wuhn Danluel.

As it shows that ninety nine percent of the Ruweng people are complaining about how rushed this cruel decision was and what will likely happen to the security of our people in Ruwëng State.

Meanwhile, the hardline of power seeking want to see this effort as some sort of Taban lighting up a light to them and also as a business as usual. And they are being propelled by outside groups to welcome this cruel decision.

As a result of this cruel and rush decision, there is a lot of bad analysis in the camp of the FVP’S power seeking about what the presidential decree meant in terms of the security in Ruweng land.

But ultimately, sadly, this will be decided by the people of Ruweng of the world whether to give up and let the FVP Taban to continue to marginalize our beloved relatives one more time in the twenty first century.

Nonetheless, when doing big things is never easy, but making a promise is a lot easier in South Sudan, and this is how Ruweng people once again find themselves in the country where venerable people cannot survive.

In this toxic environment, here we stand as people of Ruweng and President Kiir is swinging the full weight of his Administration behind his FVP Taban leaving the entire population of Ruweng State in a dark hole.

But however, maybe this will be enough to wake up the skeptical people of Ruweng who seem to be overwhelmingly opposing this cruel and rushed decision by President Kiir and his FVP Taban. Or maybe this effort will fall apart in spectacular failure in the history of Ruweng people and continue to do nothing as usual.

As a fact, President Kiir has promised people of Ruweng that he will listen to them and told them that Them Machar will not take the oath of office as a governor of Ruweng State until the matter is resolved amicably base on the popular views.

But, it is likely will dramatic political theater if President Kiir and his FVP Taban refuse to listen to this peace loving people in the nation. It is just a horrible shame that the stakes being toyed with thousands of Ruweng people and their security at risk by letting Taban Deng Gai continues to marginalize our people need a serious response now.

Finally, I understand why so many South Sudanese communities are disenfranchised and disillusioned, why there is mistrust of the government, and deep-seated issues with President Kiir, but I never, ever thought that this will result in putting Taban Deng Gai over the people of Ruweng’s interest because this people stood with President Kiir long enough to be rewarded like any other community who are enjoying due to their minimal contribution.

It is true governing in the entire is difficult, but betrayal and difficulty are not the same. More importantly, I know many people believe that smart people and smart policies makers can fix our corrupt system of government in South Sudan. President Kiir seems to think this way.

I’m assuming that President Kiir suggested during the national prayer day that his government and the community relations could be improved meaningfully by accepting responsibility and accountability. Yes, a responsibility and accountability.

With this cruel and rushed decision, I no longer believe that Juba is willing to fix the problem, as though the leadership in Juba is anything other than a mirror reflecting back to us the true nature of our democracy.

They cannot fix the problem without a revolution of values and radical change to the basic structure of their leadership in Juba. Of course important policy changes can and should be made to improve government practices unless President Kiir reconsider this cruel and rushed decision, or it will cause in South Sudan.

Furthermore, if we are serious about having peace in our country rather than a government at war with its own people, then we are going to have to get honest with ourselves about whom our government actually serves and protect or else to unity.

Santino Aniek is a concerned South Sudanese in Upstate New York, U.S.A. He can be reached at and find me on Facebook, on Skype and on twitter @saniek.

Exposing The Dirty Politics in the Office of the President

By: Daniel Juol Nhomngek, Kampala, Uganda, APR/13/2017, SSN;

This article is purposely written to expose the dirty politics that’s going on in the Office of the President of South Sudan, Salva Kiir. In doing that my approach will be as follows: first, I will describe, define and discuss the meaning of politics in general, then relates it to South Sudan and the Office of the President of South Sudan in particular.

After that I will discuss reasons to support my argument that politics is not a dirty game but a good game played by dirty politicians. Thus, I begin in the order as given.

In order to effectively explain how dirty the politics is, let’s begin with the quotation of James McGreevey who once said, “We are losing sight of civility in government and politics. Debate and dialogue is taking a back-seat to the politics of destruction and anger and control. Dogma has replaced thoughtful discussion between people of differing views”.

Hence, the above quotation of James clearly describes our political scene as we see in South Sudan today as politics that exists in the country is that of destruction but not for development.

Consequently, as Donald Trump pointed out, “One of the key problems today is that politics is such a disgrace, good people don’t go into government”. Exactly, in South Sudan politics is hijacked by sycophants, cronies and miscreants, which have turned politics into a dirty game and blocked out good people of the government.

The summary of the above description of politics is that it is the dirty politics. When politics is being played by wrong people then wrong methods such as bribery, corruption and fraud may be used in order to win the opponents politically, thus some people may conclude that politics is a dirty game.

However, it must be observed and stressed that such a statement is not correct since politics is not a game with general rule because it differs from one country to the other, from one person to the other and from one system to the other.

Because of that the difference in politics as pointed out above proves that what differs are the methods and concept of politics not politics itself, which shows that holding other things constant, then we can say that politics is not a dirty game but it is a good game played by dirty people which makes it become dirty as it is played with dirty hands.

The above statement is true in relation to South Sudan and the office of the president in particular. The Office of the President of South Sudan is run on bad politics as betrayal, original sin, greed, corruption, discrimination, gossip and hatred are order of the day.

That office is turned into business where those working there derive profits as some of those working in that office are more of brokers than government employees.

Thus, there is a lot of evidence to back up the above statement, which shows that it can be proved beyond reasonable doubt.

In other words, it can be proved that Government employees in the office of the President are brokers or business people dressed in presidential aides’ clothes.

For example, two or three years ago senior President Officials were accused of stealing millions of dollars from state coffers and forging the president’s signature, according to Ateny Wek Ateny, presidential spokesman.

The investigation into the allegation of forgery as mentioned in the above paragraph concluded that President Kiir’s signature was forged on documents that ordered the withdrawal of funds from the Central bank of South Sudan on several occasions.

In that respect, millions of dollars, as well as millions of South Sudanese pounds, were allegedly withdrawn with the forged documents.

As a result of the said forgery and stealing of money of the nation, the chief administrator and the executive director were tried and sentenced to life imprisonment.

What makes the office of the President susceptible to corruption and stealing of the money of the nation is due to the lack of transparency. In fact, opponents have said that the President is to blame for not implementing measures in the office that ensure transparency, due diligence, as well as enforced checks and balances.

They also said the scandal echoes their concerns that the government in Juba is way over its head in the country’s governance.

In general what makes politics a dirty game in the office of the President of South Sudan are the following:—

First of all, majority of those working in the office of the President are brokers. For example, they have turned the office into their personal business ventures. This is because they have controlled over the president and unless if one wants to meet the President then he or she must pay before he or she is allowed to see or to meet with the president.

In addition, as many sources have revealed, if the president has granted some money to any person such a person will never get that money unless he or she gives them percentage of that money based on the scale that they have set themselves and depending on the amount granted.

It also appears that the posts in the government are being sold to the highest bidders and friends. This is proved by the fact that in some instances the decrees that are issued and announced in appointing the person in or in sacking a person from the government are sometimes issued without the knowledge of the president.

This can be explained by the fact that there are many instances where the President may issue a decree today appointing a person but on the following day reissues another decree relieving the same person.

If that is not the case, how will one explain such a scenario?

In addition, there have been instances where the president begins to protest when the decree in appointing or dismissing the government official is being announced on the South Sudan Broadcasting Service (SSBC).

One of the sad and clear examples of manipulation of the President’s decree was when a certain government employee was dismissed because of refusing to sign the documents, which was illegally obtained.

As a result of his refusal, the holder of that particular document was annoyed, and consequently promised that particular government official would be sacked, and indeed, he was sacked the same day. This takes me to my second point.

Secondly, there have been numerous complaints against those working in the President’s office. For instance, the Minister in the office of the President has been termed as the “Poison in the Office of the President”.

This was published on Nyamilepedia website on March 25, 2017, Michael Joseph in his article entitled “Mayiik Ayii Deng – a Poison in the Office of the President” poured out his anger with the way Minister Mayiik treated people including Ministers and army as was indicated by the reference to Akol Paul, the Deputy Minister of Information and General Paul Malong Awan, the General Chief of Staff.

In that Article, Joseph Michael attacked Mayiik Ayii that he is intimidating the Management of Nilepet and conspiring with his cronies to control the Oil Sector.

He further pointed out that Mayiik Ayii Deng intimidated the Management of Nilepet to settle his unnecessary bills and that he had purchased a luxury house in Nairobi in December 2016 after getting kickbacks from Oil Operating Company.

Michael Joseph also pointed out that there is serious administrative strife between the Minister and the Administration in the Office of the President over the Minister’s overspending of the funds, besides that his working relations with Staff are seriously deteriorating.

That Mayiik is conspiring to replace the senior officials in the Presidency with his corrupt friends as he did in the Oil sector.

Michael further pointed out that Mayiik doesn’t want any person who is an obstacle to his organized theft in the Presidency. This proves my first point that decrees are issued without the knowledge of the president.

There have been a lot of allegations of the Minister in the Office of the President refusing to pick up phone calls including the calls from other government ministers. This has created uncertainty and suspicion in the government.

There are also issues of allegations of discrimination in the way advisors to the president are treated. Clearly and in principle, advisors are supposed to be equal and because of that must be accorded equal treatment.

However, those working in the office of the President discriminate against others while favouring other advisors hence creating different classes within the advisory board to the president.

In addition, student leaders have been treated differently. For instance, the student leader from former Warrap State or Aweil is more favoured than those who come from other states.

The clear example is that of Acuil Chok, the former Chairperson of Bhar El Ghazal Youth Union in Uganda who was more favoured than Mabior Ikau simply because Acuil came from Warrap.

In the same way, Makuei Aguer and Akol Akol were favoured because they came from Aweil and the Former Warrap State respectively. Hence, they were allowed without any difficulty to meet with the president.

However, when Arop Kumbai, the current President of South Sudanese Students’ Union in Uganda recently visited South Sudan and when he requested the Minister in the office of the President, Mayiik Ayii to be allowed to meet with the President he was denied because he was not from any of the states mentioned above.

In summary, it is important to let the cat out of the basket so that:
1- the dirty politics in the office of the president is exposed to the public, which is represented by forged decrees to dismiss government officials or appoint them;

2- by the rampant leakages of State secrets that have rocked the office of the President, which has caused a lot of suspicions in the government;

3- the Minister in the Office of the President and others who are working there have completely controlled the president and are now the ones running the country and all South Sudanese should hold them accountable for the mess taking place currently in the country.

In order to save the nation, the President should clear the State House of those brokers who have turned the house of the nation into business centre.

The President should adopt the approach of Jesus’ cleansing of the Temple narrative, which tells of Jesus expelling the merchants and the money changers from the Temple.

In that account, Jesus and his disciples travel to Jerusalem for Passover, where Jesus expels the merchants and money changers from the Temple, accusing them of turning the Temple into “a den of thieves” through their commercial activities.

Hence, the President should shake up the office and recruit those who are ready to serve the nation but not personal interest or benefits.

NB//the author is human rights lawyer and can be reached through: or +256783579256
NB: Since writing this article, the author reportedly said he has received negative response from his Dinka community for his criticism. Even his ‘uncle’ Daniel Awet, an adviser to the president, advised him to apologize and desist from being critical to the president.

This is what the author, Mr. Daniel Juol concluded his response: “In summary, what I wanted to say is that I am not going to apologize to anyone including State Security Personnel whom I heard that they are demanding an apology from me or come for me.
The fact is that the liberation war of South Sudan started when I was there, I know how women, children and elderly suffered under the SPLA/M when they were rebels and how they are still suffering from the problems caused by our leaders including the President.
Because of that I cannot keep quiet or apologize to validate wrong things.
In fact, the State House has its contribution to the sufferings of South Sudanese due to the problems I discussed in that article which I expected that the officials in the State House must reform but demanding from me that I must apologize is going too far.
In addition, I am not a rebel and I do not dream of becoming one but I must fight for the reform through my skills of writing.
Besides, I am ordinary citizen and I am not a politician so my writing was based on the truth as the officials in the State House have acknowledged it.
In short, I would like to conclude by saying that an apology might help, but I can change my life without one.
As I have already promised in the introduction to this work, after writing about dirty politics in the State House, I have completed the project on politics and I am now going to concentrate on subject of peace and national dialogue in South Sudan so that South Sudanese. How peace can be achieved in order to achieve justice, liberty and prosperity.

Vice-pres. Taban Deng Gai’s Abusing Power & Taking Advantage of little guys for selfish goals

BY: Santino Aniek, New York, USA, MAR/26/2017, SSN;

Taban Deng Gai’s long career of abusing power for an endless goal and taking advantage of little guys did not just started but since he observed power in the 1980’s. Those who know Taban, in which myself is included, would agree that this long career of abusing power and taking advantage of little guys did not just start overnight but since when Taban was Itang’s administrator during the liberation war.

In fact, the majority of the South Sudanese are aware of the grimy details of Taban’s infamously governing when he became the Governor of Unity State. As one might expect, Taban claims to represent the interests of the citizenry of this country, as he became the Vice President of South Sudan.

But his governing record reveals a man with a penchant for tyrannizing the little guy and abusing power for his endless goal.

In today’s clannish politics, Ruweng people do not doubt that Taban will do everything he can to achieve his pathetic goal, but his pathetic objective including Wath Danluel, will not be achieved during our generation’s time.

It is very important to bring to the public attention that the abuse of power and the marginalization of our people by Taban and his likes as much as we could so the people of this country would understand what we have been dealing with all these years.

Now, it seems blindingly obvious to me that the government of South Sudan need not only to offer a position to people like Taban, but different solutions to solve our chronic problems like resources and land to satisfy these people needs.

With that being said, T’m getting sick and tired of these people like Taban taking advantage of the little guy and do whatever it takes to achieve their goals.

Subsequently, we woke up Thursday morning, still grieving with an emptiness that, unfortunately Ruweng people have come to know far too well that Governor Theji Da Adwad Deng has resigned from his Party SPLM in Opposition due to the fact that Taban has started bullying him about the piece of land he occupied in Ruweng State since 2005.

Nevertheless, Ruweng people have woken up that morning wondering what will it take to end this ugly scourge of Taban’s marginalization and taking advantage of little guy all these years without jeopardizing the peace agreement.

However, marginalization and taking advantage of little guy in South Sudan is entrenched in the fabric of those who are faithful to the government and it has become a weapon used often by people like Taban to wear down their opponents.

More importantly, once we became pseudo-free, we no longer serve a purpose and so the time for action for Ruweng people is now if Taban attempts to replace Governor Adwad.

As a result, Ruweng people must come together and combat the marginalization and bullying of our people once and for all. As we are aware of the situation, we cannot remain silent because Taban will never ever stop until we act quickly.

People like Taban have to learn once and for all that every single human being is a human being like him and Nhialic (God) of Ruweng has given has us that land, which it cannot be taken away from us until all Ruweng people have stopped breathing.

Given the situation in South Sudan, it is true that marginalization has become a culture and it is just another form of colonization that has been used to marginalize communities across South Sudan.

People like Taban think that if marginalization is used wisely, it might actually work in a certain situation, but let me assure you all including Taban himself it will never work in Ruweng State. Incorporating marginalization into daily life is what has helped escalate senseless war in South Sudan few years ago.

And so how we get past this era and start to look at people as human beings instead of bunch something known to them, I cannot tell you, but what I can tell you is this, people like Taban cannot take advantage of our people because his boss Riek Machar has tried twice and failed.

Therefore, I have no idea how to change the way people take advantage of little guy, but surely, we will change the way Taban think soon if he is still advancing his pathetic agenda.

I will say having leaders in our country that have an attitude of revenge does not help anything, it is the Taban’s who will never help in the peace process.

Thoughtful as usual, we are certainly not without our own problems in Ruweng State, but so far, we have managed to stay reasonably civil with each other. While our people have, on rare occasion stepped over the line, for the most part conflicts are resolved peacefully and our people do a good job to live in peace with our neighbors.

It is disheartening as a Ruweng citizen, to see the turmoil that seems to pervade other parts of our country at the moment. While we have some important differences, we are much more alike than unlike and seeing this animosity among our people is troubling.

In fact, the problem we are dealing with is not just the politicians like Taban in Juba, but the real problem is the South Sudanese people who emotionally jump on bandwagons and fail to critically analyze the person they’re supporting like Taban.

It seems to me that most of Taban’s supporters are following him based solely on the fact that he is going to reward them with jobs in the government. His appeal is simply that he is perceived as a colorful individual that has commitment to anything life.

Yet, for most of his governing career, Taban has betrayed the very people from whom he is now trying to convince them to achieve his pathetic goal for him. His views appear more in line with those of Adolf Hitler of Germany.

Taban’s supporters purposely overlook his criminal records, dereliction of power, and unabashed pandering. It is well know that Taban’s views change with the political climate.

However, this is a fragment of a problem, but the problem is the people who are supporting him. They completely dismiss the lack of moral and ethical integrity displayed in Taban’s world.

These people supporting Taban are the same people who supported Riek Machar twice. We all know the history of South Sudan and the injustices and marginalization our people starting with the Ruweng people. Nevertheless, this is our country, our people in Ruweng State put their blood, sweat and tears to liberate this country and we have lost half of our population by fighting Khartoum regime.

Ultimately, part of this resignation is shocking because Taban is known for abusing power and bullying.

Finally, any attempt to remove Governor Theji Da Adwad Deng from the governorship post will allow our full operations to liberate ourselves from this too long mistreatment and to allow normality to return to the land of a peace-loving people.

Though I don’t agree to use the war to achieve the end goal, but war happens when people like ours are neglected and their grievances are being ignored all the time. Furthermore, these exercises are also a way of defending and liberating ourselves from this long suffering that will never expire until our people rise against this status quo.

As the fact indicates, we will give this peace a chance to materialize, but on the other hand, we will not take a break until our people are no longer worried about the threat of Taban in Ruweng part of the world.

More importantly, this is a reminder to all friends of Ruweng people, be informed that if Governor Adwad is being removed, we are capable to do the unthinkable and we will also be talking to anybody in the entire world including the number one enemy of South Sudan, Omer El Bashir, to help us to achieve our end goal.

It is not secret because we have been suffering for too long and we cannot leave this suffering and threat to our children. The entire people of South Sudan have no idea what the hell is going on in Ruweng State, it is good if people have a leader that cares about them, but our people in Ruweng State nowadays cannot seriously think they are completely under the care of this government where Taban is a Vice President.

There is probably a lot more to it, I’m not a politician, but repeating Pathou (Heglig, the oil-rich area taken over by Sudan), my birth place’s mistake will be a huge mistake to the entire South Sudanese people, because most of the resources in South Sudan are located in our local area and without hesitation we can at least make a deal with any body in the world including the enemy of South Sudan.

Let that be clear. Yes, marginalization is a hell of a lot more common across South Sudan than we like to admit because we are not allowed to report what is really happening in the country, and certainly, this pseudo gets a special award for his abuse of power on an endless goal and taking advantage of little guys must stop once and for all.

Santino Aniek is a concerned South Sudanese in Upstate New York, U.S.A. He can be reached at and find me on Facebook, on Skype and on twitter @saniek.

To Gen. Thomas Cirillo: Right Decision & Right Time: Greater Equatoria Council congratulates you!

From: The Leadership of the Greater Equatoria Council of Rights (GRECOR)
To: Lt. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka, Chairman and Commander-in-Chief
The National Salvation Front, South Sudan

Date: March 13, 2017;

Subject: Congratulations!

GRECOR would like to seize this opportunity and congratulate you for having taken a right decision in the right direction, at the right time and for the right purpose. This decision demonstrates frustration with and loss of confidence in the regime.

Surely, you now join the ranks of the many southerners who have lost all confidence in Kiir’s regime that oppresses and suppresses its own people.

GRECOR is an opposition social, cultural and political organization that has been advocating for the rights and freedom of equatorians in particular and the oppressed South Sudanese in general.

GRECOR views your wisdom from two angles: First, the decision to resign from serving a dictatorial, discriminatory and an oppressive Kiir’s regime was a real act of valour and audacity.

Second, the formation of an armed resistance movement in the name of the National Salvation Front (NAS) is a welcome positive development that will engender a lucid meaning to the hope of most South Sudanese without exception.

Indeed, and surely it is only through an armed struggle that the regime be brought to a semblance of normalcy. For a long time the majority of South Sudanese have suffered in silence and endured all sorts of abuses and injustices inflicted on them by their own capricious government that has been acting in a complete disregard of many things.

At this juncture, GRECOR would like to cite and expose some of the violations, abuses, injustices being practiced against our innocents’ people by Kiir’s regime soldiers and others:

• Land grabbing – a muse of the gun and authority to evict rightful citizen from the God-given land (Land of their ancestors).

• Insecurity – the rampant and unaccounted for killing in Juba and other towns.

• Plunder, looting and amassing of public funds at the expenses of the populace.

• Lack of basic social services e.g. water.

• Favouritism on the basis of tribe or passive submission to Kiir’s regime.

• Total lack of respect for freedom of expression, lack of respect for the use of the gun by those who hold it, lack of respect for human rights.

• Unknown gunmen – a unique and strange phenomenon, culture and behaviour in the life and history of South Sudanese, which is similar to that of Niggas (outlaws).

• The SPLA – the really worries and armies who had fought for our cause two decades are at last thrown out, deserted, marginalized and replaced by militias, hooligans, robberies and rappers etc.

Surely, the list is endless.

And this shows how the South Sudan is being led on the path of darkness, Jungle laws and wrong side of history. However, South Sudanese need light instead and need to be rescued from falling into a bottomless pit.

In view of the above reasons, GRECOR would like to register its unwavering support to you Lt. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka for the cause that you have initiated and willing to undergo these opaque and enigma pragmatic journey so as to realize and achieve the rights and dignity of the entire people of South Sudan.

GRECOR also is fully aware of your professional military leadership skills that made you a symbol of reliability and trustworthiness among your colleagues’ officers and combatants before and after the secession of South Sudan.

GRECOR founder, late Professor Wani Tombi, was always and often in his briefing to us reminding us of you and some of the insidious things that you had discussed, planned and agreed upon for the future leadership in Equatoria and South Sudan as a whole.

GRECOR acknowledges you’re intuitive sentiments and long patient of enduring underestimation, undermining, disrespect, psychological threats, and surveillance by Kiir’s regime organs. Yet you have overcome them all unprecedentedly.

Lastly, GRECOR would like to draw your attention to its vision, which would be of great help to you and the National Salvation Front to have a vision which is inclusive and comprehensive rather than exclusive and incomprehensive.

If we really want to build a modern state in South Sudan, we need to have a broad vision like GRECOR’S vision: “Let South Sudan be governed with the principles and doctrines of Constitutionalism; the Rule of Law and order; Equality; Democracy; Meritocracy; Accountability; Transparency; and positive foreign policy guided by the respect of all species of International Law for cordial regional and international relations.”

Wishing you every success on the journey towards a definite victory.

Dr. Henry Jembi Samson Lokou, GRECOR Chairman, Khartoum Sudan
Mr. Justin Demetry, GRECOR Coordinator, Canada
Mr. Lado Lodoka, GRECOR Leader in the United States
Mr. Alfred Rombe, GRECOR Chairman in Canada
Dr. Jada Yengkopiong, GRECOR Chairman in Australia
Mr. Isaac Mursal, GRECOR Chairperson Western Australia
Mrs. Rita Edward Duru, Women Secretariat Chairperson Khartoum Sudan
Mr. Jada Lako Mathayo, GRECOR Chairman in Finland