Archive for: June 2018

Salva Kiir’s kingdom of doom, killings and tyranny

By: Duop Chak Wuol, South Sudanese, JUN/17/2018, SSN;

Empires come and go, regardless of whether they’re good or bad. One of the chief measures employed by historians is an investigatory examination into the legacies the empires leave behind — these legacies are always methodically scrutinized by the people who the empires once ruled.

In South Sudan, the final report of Salva Kiir’s regime is already written on the wall. Kiir’s leadership isn’t just troubling; it’s a kingdom of destruction where his regime’s policy is heavily influenced by tribal interests instead of issues that’re of national importance.

South Sudan cannot be a stable country if we don’t tell the truth. Kiir’s presidency is indisputably an ethnic one.

The man is not a president for all, although he claims to be such a leader only when he sees a real threat to his leadership.

Kiir surrounds himself with known tribal hooligans who’ve hate towards other South Sudanese ethnicities. For instance, the notorious Jieng Council of Elders (JCE), that’s by default a co-president of South Sudan, is consumed by a twisted belief that the Jieng should be the only tribe to lead South Sudan.

The South Sudanese believe that Kiir and the JCE don’t work for all South Sudanese, rather they work for JCE’s interests.

This seemingly ethnic thinking is also maintained by Defense Minister Kuol Manyang Juuk, information minister Michael Makuey Lueth, and Presidential adviser Nhial Deng Nhial, among others.

But if one asks these three men if they’re for a tribal supremacy, they’d deny it and even try to kiss the soil to prove that they’re not tribalists. Kuol, Michael, and Nhial are known tribal freaks who always talk diplomatically during the day and tribally at night.

Salva Kiir always claims to be a man who cares for unity in South Sudan. History tells us that a good leader who cares for his or her legacy tends to focus mainly on policies that unite people and develop the economy.

Kiir’s a heartless tyrant who cares nothing for the suffering of the people of South Sudan because his immediate family members and close relatives don’t suffer the same way other South Sudanese do.

In addition, it appears that Kiir’ll only accept peace or act with care and consideration if, and only if, he’s confronted with a real threat striking at his very doorstep.

The man has been making surprisingly absurd claims about his leadership. Kiir believes that the people of South Sudan should recognize his leadership as the legitimate moral authority of the country.

However, investigations into his regime demonstrate that these claims are inconsistent with an actual, material state of affairs. Surely, any leader who cares for his people wouldn’t destroy his or her own country and demand respect from people at the same time.

What’s clear is that Kiir’s main focus is an imposition of a tribal supremacy on other South Sudanese tribes. This is a monumental mistake on his part. He forgets the fact that his presidency will be gone and that he’s placing an irremovable stain on his legacy and family members.

Kiir isn’t the good person he always wants people to believe. His background is spoiled with appalling crimes. In public, Kiir will pose as a national figure who deserves to be trusted by the South Sudanese. But in private, he’s a very dangerous man.

In Kiir’s world, anyone who glorifies his tyranny is a good person and anyone who questions his cruelty is a bad person. This is like a madman trying to blame his mental issue on bystanders.

In 2004, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) was fractured by rumors and factional interests. Kiir himself was furious about former SPLM/A leader, the late Dr. John Garang.

When the leaders of the SPLM met in Rumbek in late 2004, Kiir accused Dr. Garang of controlling everything in the movement. Kiir, who’s second in command of the SPLM/A at the time, also dispelled rumors about him being against chairman Garang.

He admitted during the conference that he’s for peace because his people, the people of Bahr El Ghazal, were the ones who’re hit hard by famine and attacks from Arab militias. Kiir also blamed Garang for allowing uncoordinated leadership conferences to take place.

A methodical analysis of Salva Kiir’s speech at the 2004 Rumbek meeting shows that Kiir’s now doing the very same things he once accused Dr. Garang of doing.

For instance, he cunningly changed South Sudan’s constitution to make himself an absolute dictator, imposed some provisions in the SPLM’s by-laws that allowed him to appoint his allies to the party leadership, and gave himself powers to appoint some members of the national parliament, including state governors, among others.

So Kiir’s claim of being a rational leader who wanted the democratization of the SPLM/A during the 2004 conference was a pure deceit and merely showed that he’s more dangerous than the people he always accused of wrongdoings.

Kiir’s tyranny didn’t begin when he took over the leadership of the SPLM/A in 2005. His brutality began in the late 1980s when he was the head of the SPLA military intelligence. His ruthlessness later developed to a serious stage.

In Itang, for example, Kiir was known as someone who’d summon any military commander he hated to his headquarters and execute him or her, using surprisingly similar techniques to those he now uses.

Another method was that Kiir’d abruptly tell a commander that he or she was ordered to immediately go to a frontline, claiming some changes in military command had taken place. When such an officer agreed to go, Kiir then ordered his own killing squad to eliminate the officer on the way.

For instance, Kiir’d tell the targeted person to travel in an SPLA car with a few bodyguards, carefully choose a road the individual would travel, and when the person began his or her fake assignment journey, he or she’d be stopped on the road by Kiir’s thugs and silenced for good.

After his orders were fulfilled by his killing squad, Kiir’d then turn around and lie to the family members of the deceased that he or she is still fighting on the frontline.

But when Kiir knew the family of the person he secretly eliminated was skeptical of his elaborate lies, he’d fabricate a story that the person in question was killed on the frontline.

As you can see, Kiir’s use of unknown gunmen today is deeply rooted in his blood. If there’re people who believe Kiir’s a good leader then, does this make you wonder why he’s a bad leader now? But as you can see, Kiir’s background speaks for itself.

Salva Kiir’s ambition to become an absolute dictator is real. For instance, when Dr. Riek Machar spearheaded the national reconciliation in 2012, Kiir was noticeably furious.

He employed his trusted sycophants who publicly accused Machar of running against Kiir. The irony is that Kiir now wants the national reconciliation he once labeled as “Machar’s campaign strategy” to oust him from the party leadership.

Kiir’s campaign of trying to hide behind a false concern for the nation can easily be tested if a non-Dinka tries to run against him for the party leadership or presidency.

This was what happened in 2013, when it was clear his then deputy Machar was going to take over the leadership of the SPLM. This was where Kiir’s political madness exploded.

At that time, most South Sudanese forecasted that there was going to be blood on Juba’s streets.

This prediction occurred in late 2013, when Kiir unleashed tribally-motivated attacks on Nuer civilians in Juba under the pretext of a bogus coup.

What some people do not know is the fact that Kiir’s decision to prevent Machar from contesting the party leadership was tribally-motivated.

Kiir’s a very cunning person. If his current First Vice President Taban Deng Gai decides to contest the chairmanship of the party while Kiir’s a candidate for the same post, I guarantee you that Kiir’ll go ballistic, and Taban and his followers will be slaughtered the same way Kiir massacred innocent Nuer in December 2013.

Kiir’s presidency is all about tribal reign, but because the case is somewhat sensitive, Kiir’d claim that he isn’t a tribalist. But nobody’d believe him except his tyrannical ring-lickers.

Kiir’s strategy isn’ot only limited to Dinka and Nuer decades of rivalry. This could happen to any non-Dinka person who tries to run for a position Kiir holds.

If you wonder why, then try to convince James Wani Igga to run for Kiir’s position and see what happens.

Kiir has built a kingdom that’s too destructive for the country. The people of South Sudan must stand up against this atrocious regime to free themselves.

We didn’t fight against Khartoum’s regime only to face the same brutality again. Kiir must be forced to accept peace or be confronted militarily until he’s buried in the same coffin with his doomed presidency.

The author can be reached at duop282@gmail.com.

Kenya and Uganda facilitating Corruption in Kiir-led South Sudan

Remarks by John Prendergast, Co-Founder, The Sentry

Press Event with Sigal Mandelker, Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, U.S. Department of the Treasury

Nairobi | June 13, 2018;

In my short introductory remarks, I’m going to try to quickly answer six important questions:

1. WHY DOES SOUTH SUDAN MATTER TO KENYA?

The government and rebel leaders in South Sudan who are destroying their country through atrocity crimes such as village burning, mass rape, child soldier recruitment, and obstruction of humanitarian aid are the same people who have looted the world’s newest country of billions of dollars of natural resource wealth.

The Kenyan real estate and banking sectors are critically important getaway cars for this South Sudanese looting machine.

Kenyan commercial interests have facilitated the exodus of the spoils of corruption, and laundered the stolen assets of South Sudanese leaders, their family members, and their business partners. Kenya represents a key entry point into the international financial system for these elites and, along with Uganda, remains a preferred destination for them to stash their assets.

Kenya has also been connected to South Sudan through the thousands of South Sudanese refugees it has hosted, as well as being a leader in the peace processes involving South Sudan for decades, both before and after its independence.

2. WHAT RISKS DOES SOUTH SUDAN POSE TO KENYA?

The integrity of the Kenyan banking system continues to be under threat from its ongoing exploitation by those who facilitate illicit financial flows from South Sudan.

This exploitation will increasingly imperil Kenya’s economic growth and access to the international financial system, as corrupt South Sudanese leaders look across the border to stash ill-gotten assets in bank accounts and real estate, including right here in Nairobi.

If Kenya is seen by the international financial community as the regional destination for the proceeds of corruption from South Sudan, it risks serious damage to its image as a safe place for multinational banks and other companies to do business.

As shown by the U.S. Treasury’s Advisory yesterday warning banks about the connection between corrupt senior foreign political figures and their enabling of human rights abuses, regulators are increasingly concerned about the use of the U.S. and international financial systems to move or hide illicit proceeds or evade U.S. and multilateral sanctions.

We should do everything possible to ensure that Kenya is well-positioned to protect the health of its financial industry and demonstrate to multinational banks and businesses that Kenya won’t tolerate money laundering by South Sudanese elites.

Combating this perception through taking action is critical to safeguarding Kenya’s reputation as a safe and well-regulated financial system for companies around the world who are right now deciding whether or not they invest or transact in new markets like Kenya.

A recent study by the Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG), the top anti-money laundering watchdog in the region, showed that the negative trend has already started.

In the study, Kenya falls near the top of the list in every category of “de-risking,” where global banks decide that some business relationships are just too risky to maintain.

This is not a problem just faced by Kenya, and the impact of de-risking can be seen elsewhere in the world. De-risking, combined with reputational damage to a country’s industry, has severe consequences for the economic growth and financial prosperity of countries that are seen to be lax in complying with international standards for anti-money laundering and financial transparency.

Furthermore, the IGAD regional mediators trying to resolve the South Sudan conflict currently lack the leverage necessary to stop violent kleptocrats from using their forces to burn, imprison, silence, torture, starve, impoverish, kill, and rape to maintain or gain power.

South Sudanese peace talks are stuck in part because President Kiir and his allies do not want to let go of their exclusive grip on the crudely-constructed looting machine masquerading as a government.

The primary point of leverage is going after the stolen assets of South Sudanese leaders and their collaborators, finally creating a long-threatened consequence for being peace spoilers and state looters.

3. WHAT IS THE CHOICE FACING KENYA?

Kenya has a fundamental choice to make. Does it want to realize the economic goals for prosperity outlined in its Vision 2030 plan, the long-term development blueprint for the country and one which will make Nairobi the banking capital of East Africa?

Or do the government and banks here want to put the positive trajectory of the economy at risk by tolerating the illicit financial flows of South Sudan’s corrupt elite that will ultimately drive away investors and international banks?

Now is the time to fix it and to act to change the trend. Kenya can’t afford for the international business community to wonder whether it has become the next illicit financial hub, exploited by people like President Kiir and his commercial enablers.

4. WHAT ACTIONS CAN KENYA TAKE?

It’s vital that Kenyan banks and their regulators lead the way in implementing strict standards for anti-money laundering, anti-corruption, and sanctions enforcement to protect the country’s financial system from abuse by the violent kleptocrats and corrupt elite in South Sudan who pump their ill-gotten gains into Kenyan bank accounts and real estate holdings.

The U.S. is ramping up its use of the policy tools of financial pressure, including the particularly effective combination of network sanctions, which target not just an individual but their support systems of frontmen, enablers, and businesses, and anti-money laundering measures, such as those that warn the financial community of the risks posed by certain kinds of transactions or that require U.S. correspondent banks to terminate their relationships with foreign financial institutions of concern.

5. WHY WOULD A KENYA-U.S. PARTNERSHIP BE TIMELY?

Kenya needs to protect its financial sector from being penetrated by illicit financial flows, and the international community should support its efforts to do so.

Today we’re talking about a war criminal’s money, but tomorrow it could be terrorists. The U.S. and Kenya can work closely together on this shared agenda to ensure that South Sudan’s war criminals, state looters, and sanctioned officials must look elsewhere in order to hide their ill-gotten gains.

6. WHY IS TODAY’S VISIT IMPORTANT?

While many of the violent kleptocrats and their commercial enablers may have thought that they’ve won and successfully clung onto power while still doing business in U.S. dollars, I have someone that I want them to meet who thinks otherwise.

Treasury Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Sigal Mandelker, the top U.S. official in charge of financial sanctions, anti-money laundering, counter-terrorist financing, and protecting the U.S. financial system from a whole range of financial crimes, is making the first ever visit to Africa by someone in her position, and I’m so glad that she is here.

She’s a tough former prosecutor who led the U.S. Department of Justice’s teams in going after those responsible for committing human rights abuses, cyber crime, money laundering, and promoting U.S. national security and law enforcement priorities, and a strong advocate for using all of the legal authorities and financial tools at her disposal to impact the ability of President Kiir and his networks of commercial enablers to steal from their people.

Under Secretary Mandelker’s trip to Uganda, Kenya, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo this week raises the stakes for the violent kleptocrats and their corrupt elites who don’t believe that the United States will follow through on its threats of pressure, and for that I would personally like to say, “thank you.”
# # #

For media inquiries or interview requests, please contact: Greg Hittelman, +1 310-717-0606, gh@enoughproject.org.

About THE SENTRY

The Sentry is composed of financial forensic investigators, policy analysts, and regional experts who follow the dirty money and build investigative cases focusing on the corrupt transnational networks most responsible for Africa’s deadliest conflicts.

By creating a significant financial cost to these kleptocrats through network sanctions, anti-money laundering measures, prosecutions, and other tools, The Sentry aims to disrupt the profit incentives for mass atrocities and oppression, and creates new leverage in support of peace efforts and African frontline human rights defenders.

The Sentry’s partner, the Enough Project, undertakes high-level advocacy with policy-makers around the world as well as wide-reaching education campaigns by mobilizing students, faith-based groups, celebrities, and others. Co-founded by George Clooney and John Prendergast, The Sentry is an initiative of Not On Our Watch (NOOW) and the Enough Project. The Sentry currently focuses its work in South Sudan, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, and the Central African Republic.

In less than two years, The Sentry has created hard-hitting reports and converted extensive research into a large volume of dossiers on individuals and entities connected to grand corruption, violence, or serious human rights abuses.

The investigative team has turned those dossiers over to government regulatory and law enforcement agencies in the U.S. and around the world, as well as to compliance officers at the world’s largest banks.

Learn more at www.TheSentry.org.

The importance to acknolwledge the realities of contemporary South Sudan

BY: ELHAG PAUL, South Sudanese, JUN/13/2018, SSN;

Last week, an Equatoria girl produced a video in which she expressed her feelings against the Jieng tribe in South Sudan. The video can be accessed through: (video – 2018-06-03-07-11-27.mp4) for those who have a video converter facility. This video coincided with an article written by Agel Machar published in Paanlwel website titled: ‘Focus on SPLM reunification: Nuer–Dinka unity is paramount to national unity and stability’ (https://paanluelwel.com/2018/06/03/splm-unification-nuer-dinka-unity-is-paramount-to-national-unity-and-stability/)

This article seeks to drum up the unwritten unity of Jieng and Nuer as the basis for national peace and stability in the country. Surely unity between Jieng and Nuer can not be called a national thing as this is a project of two tribes only out of many others.

On the other hand, critics of the Equatorian girl deploy the word nationalism to dismiss her. It is important to note that the term nationalism can not be neatly applied into the context of South Sudan presently because South Sudan has several nationalities and nationality in South Sudan is fluid.

For nationalism to take hold in South Sudan it needs to be consciously engineered through application of policies that build things in the country the citizens can identify with to bring them together.

So in the context of South Sudan, the word patriotism fits better because it is all about love of one’s country.

The article of Agel Machar and the video of the Equatorian girl have attracted criticism across the board and rightly so. Patriots issued condemnations against these vile materials.

Machar’s article promotes upheaval and open discrimination while the Equatorian girl incites hatred. However, that said, it is vital to try to understand why these materials have surfaced in the public domain.

They did not come out of no where. Each perspective has a background to it and an ideology that sustains it.

So, in order to dismantle what sustains them, it demands careful observation and analysis of the acts and experiences of these actors (Agel Machar and the Equatorian girl).

It is no good to just condemn these personalities and their work without engaging and challenging them.

Now let us look at the work of these two persons. Machar, in a nutshell believes that the unity of the Jieng and Nuer with the sole purpose to rule is important for peace and stability in South Sudan.

He argues that the Jieng cannot afford to ignore the Nuer otherwise the management of the country and national affairs will continue to pose some serious challenges to the Jieng.

This view is neither new nor untested. Right from the inception of the SPLM regardless of the violent relationship between the Jieng and Nuer, the leaders of both ethnicities are agreed to rule South Sudan without the participation of the other tribes.

In other words, it is an agreement to marginalise the other South Sudanese tribes using force.

It is an open secret that late Dr John Garang De Mabior, the then leader of SPLM and late William Nyoun and Dr Riek Machar entered into an undeclared, unwritten and unspoken contract that specifically binds them to a unity whose sole purpose is dominance of politics in South Sudan.

They wrongly believed that as large tribes they can dominate South Sudan for a long time.

The need for this kind of unity was born out of the events of Kokora that saw Southern Region of the Sudan divided into three regions following the reaction of Equatorians to Mr Abel Alier’s tribal misrule of the 1970s.

However, what Garang, Nyoun and Machar overlooked is that numerical majority is not an automatic ticket to rule.

The Jieng and Nuer must learn from the history of Sudan itself that their majority did not allow them to rule the Sudan.

Further they need to draw a lesson from Rwanda where the majority Hutu with almost 90 percent of the population are ruled by a tiny minority of Tutsi who make less than 7 percent of the population.

The evidence of this Jieng and Nuer compact has since the inception of the SPLM been shown in the structures of the movement and later on in the structures of South Sudan government.

For example, the leader of the SPLM has always been a Jieng deputised by a Nuer. The leadership of the army too deliberately is dominated by the two tribes with the bulk of the fighting force coming from the two tribes.

When William Nyoun rebelled he was replaced by Salva Kiir and when Riek Machar returned to the fold after re-defecting from Khartoum, he took James Wani Igga’s position of the Vice Chairman in the SPLM with Igga being kicked into the long grass.

After the death of Garang, Riek Machar became Vice president to a Jieng.

When Riek was pushed out in December 2013, Igga was brought in temporarily to warm the seat for the return of Machar in early 2016 following the signing of ARCSS in August 2015.

When Riek Machar was again pushed out in July 2016, Taban Deng Gai took over. So this undeclared, unwritten and unspoken compact is a visible reality that is observable to any keen follower of South Sudan politics.

This compact is responsible for all the chaos going on in the country simply because its intention is limited to the need o dominate and discriminate against the other tribes of South Sudan.

Sadly, the downside of it has seen the Nuer, a willing partner paying heavily with destruction of its own society in all areas of life. The Nuer have become victims of ethnic cleansing.

The system they supported out of this unity turned them against each other: Nuer on Nuer violence fanned continuously by the Jieng who at the same time woo them as partners in this relationship of doom.

At the current rate of destruction going on in Nuer land/territories the result of this undeclared, unwritten and unspoken unity, may lead to an unfortunate reality where in the next decade the Nuer may drastically be reduced in population.

The Jieng buoyed by their persistent destruction of the Nuer have adopted this method as their modus operandi. They are now applying it throughout the country on the other ethnicities.

So, Agel Machar being an educated Jieng knows the benefit of this compact to the Jieng and hence his article promoting it.

It is the leaders of the Nuer including Riek Machar who for whatever reasons fail to see that this so-called unity between Jieng and Nuer does not serve or benefit the Nuer.

With all the evidence of the destruction of the Nuer, the Nuer leaders continue to invest in this foolery.

Knowing our politics, some people are going to say ‘No! Riek Machar is not involved.’ They will claim that Riek is being victimised.

To put such arguments to rest, any doubting Thomas should look at the proposal of SPLM-IO for power and wealth sharing whose principles feature in the ‘Bridging proposal’ of IGAD.

Unpack this proposal and what you can find is a perspective of Jieng and Nuer unity as a source of peace in the country which the international community unfortunately has bought whole sale.

Note that the product of this unity of Jieng and Nuer is the very source of the current chaos and destruction visited on the country.

I do not need to mention the horrific things taking place in the country as they are now common knowledge to every South Sudanese with the international community pretending to be blind while heavily involved in covering up the stench.

The individual experience of the brutal tribal government is so hurtful as to produce people like the Equatorian girl in the video. She is articulating her pains and expressing genuine feelings born out of painful experiences.

She is representing a huge section of South Sudanese who have been abused, brutalised and humiliated in various ways in their own homes for no good reasons at all.

To dismiss her feelings by calling her a hate monger or so is to alienate all those who share her pain.

It is here that the dictum: all politics is local and personal must be taken seriously.

Thus it is important to acknowledge her pain but then explain to her that to solve the problem is to look at the bigger picture and not to generalise, because obviously not all the Jieng are bad.

She needs to be better than the tribalists. By doing this, the consciousness of aggrieved South Sudanese will be raised and it will also de-frame the ideology of supremacy and domination in a practical way which in turn will stop the need to revenge.

However, to just condemn it in the name of political correctness is to sweep these painful experiences under the carpet and hope that they will go away.

This misses the whole point, because the battle the people of South Sudan are engaged in is to ensure that the current system is uprooted from its roots.

Political correctness can not be helpful without acknowledgement of the truth and realities the country faces.

In order to win over people, it is more productive to do it by persuasion and reason and not by sheer dismissal and condemnation.

If we indulge in dismissing and condemning the victims of the current regime which include us, we do not only run the risk of being seen as connivers but the real danger of becoming oppressors of the very oppressed people we purport to fight to liberate.

We want to liberate our people like the Equatorian girl in the video from the tribal system of Juba as well as from ignorance.

We should educate her to know that she has a right to express her truth but she also needs to preserve her humanity and not let herself be propelled to barbarity.

We should educate her that it is ideology like the one promoted by Agel Machar that are responsible for her pain and the pain of many other South Sudanese.

So if you watch carefully the video of the Equatorian girl and the article of Agel Machar is the continuation of the fight between the tribal regime and the people of South Sudan in a different form.

This conflict eventually will produce a middle position which acknowledges the principle of common good for which all responsible and caring South Sudanese stand for.

In conclusion, care should be exercised when dealing with people expressing their pain. Tolerance and the raising of consciousness must be the route to bring the abused and brutalised back into the fold of humanity.

Dismissal and condemnation for the sake of political correctness will not cut it. A spade must be called a spade.

Equally, those promoting divisive and destructive ideologies like Agel Machar should be confronted and challenged robustly to expose their ill intentions for the country.

[Truth hurts but it is also liberating]

Elhag Paul
elhagpaul@aol.com
@elhagpaul

Backdoor Peace Deals & the collimate rise of Promising Youthful Politicians

BY: Simon Yel Yel, Juba, JUN/13/2018, SSN;

No sane person can condemn the government or Gen. Akol Koor for reaching the peace deal with inconsequential members of the SS-UF. This is not to say that the government dreads to confront the twonk Gen. Malong militarily in the battle field if he chooses so.

It is because the government had already decided (since the genesis of this war) to take the path of peace to salvage the country from this infinite crisis by giving out government positions to whomever has rebelled if that can make them cease from killing the innocent South Sudanese people.

This is why Gen. Akol has reached this peace deal with SS-UF break-away group of Lino Ajang Ajang.

Frankly speaking, there is not a lucid person who has witnessed these destitutions and destructions brought upon this country by the ongoing senseless war who’s ready again to be lured by the discombobulated Malong into killing JUNUBIIN under the pretent of ‘arresting the carnage’.

That is why Ajang has led this exodus of a few hundreds if not thousands youth and some elders to Juba. Their exit confirms that they want peace.

Though Malong pretended to negate Ajang’s importance to the movement by rhetorically disparaging him with all evil terms at his disposal in the press release he signed, his dearest private wish could be that for a divine thunderbolt to reduce his once poster boy into a pile of ashes.

In fact, Malong is still mourning for losing Ajang to Gen. Akol. With the return of Ajang and many others, the self-praising lion (SS-UF) roar will soon turn into a disappointing meow. No strength to roar again.

Ajang is gone! I can now bet without fear. Most of his members will come to Juba while carrying their parts of SS-UF on their heads.

Make no mistake about it. Ustaz Ajang Ajang won’t be the last person from Awiel youth who are currently following Malong to realize that the Malong’s SS-UF is an ideologically barren organization with no political clout and hence can’t be an alternative for effecting any changes in this country.

This is because SS-UF is a motley military desperados, political opportunists, and power-hungry politicians. It has no ideological raison d’être for existence rather than a vehicle for seeking to share government positions.

To say the least, its establishment is a Hail Mary to bargain for government positions. It is not to topple Salva Kiir’s regime.

There is an emerging clique of promising youthful politicians in our country to which Ajang belongs. This group pasquinades the good name of Youth. They are an embodiment of political harlotry and sycophancy in our country.

I’m talking about the likes of Agel Riing Machar, Albino Bol Dhieu, Gordon Buay Malek, and Mabior Garang Mabior. If not all of them, then most of them are products of our unfortunate politics of rebellion and back-door peace deals. However, they are little men to be watched.

Let me start with Ajang. Once upon a time he was the most popular youthful politician in the country. A few months later, his political ambition appears to be in rigour mortis after he lost the Presidency of the National Youth Union which he claimed to have been robbed from him.

Apparently lying in tatters, he decided to rebel against the government. His adversaries were celebrating that he has worn the accoutrements of a person doomed to failure.

Yet here he is again, a few weeks later, appearing in his best suit at the country’s top airport coming to implement the peace deal he negotiated and signed with the security tsar.

Luckily, his deal appears to be more lucrative and densely loaded with many goodies than Agel’s. I am talking about the goodies it contains, for instance, the three ministerial positions in three states in Barh El Ghazal region, etc.

However, the misery of this deal is that there is no expiry date stamped on those goodies. The question on whether these goodies are real and eatable rests on the speed of implementation of this deal in the first two months.

He may, like Brigadier General Lul Ruai, risk everything and fail. I am talking about the spectacular failure of Lul’s movement for the greater Akobo people.

He may, like FVP Gen. Taban Deng, come through being dismissed as derisory and climb at last to the top of the sebaceous pole and turn this chimera and herculean mission into a practically doable mission.

We have no idea what will happen tomorrow, and that is one reason why he is a force to reckon with and to watch.

Ajang is a tactician and perilously scheming political ninja with posters of Chairman Mao and Machiavelli on his face. He is precise and capable of making complex decisions.

His cheerful charisma has meant that he always been able to attract camp-followers. No wonder that is the reason some people from both political divides can’t bear him and are desperate to find ways of discrediting him as a political opportunist and unwanted concubine.

Ajang earned his epaulettes when he was the President of Juba University Students’ Union. He indubitably demonstrated his leadership abilities and superior intellect in the Union office.

Owing to his unquestionable abilities, proven tenacity and splendid ideas, Ajang decided to run for the Presidency of the National Youth Union in 2015.

It is worth mentioning that he has cut an image as Malong’s poster boy among his peers. The most noticeable difference between him and his peers is that, he doesn’t throw bombs or speak haphazardly. He has no rhetoric of his peers.

There are some surface-level similarities between Ajang and his friend Mr. Agel Riing; however, there are also extremely glaring dissimilarities. Ajang has no insolence and ruthlessness of Agel.

The quisling Agel is a go-getter who goes against the grain to guarantee his own political survival and relevance; while Ajang believes in being given.

He is an egomaniacal introvert who believes that he is always right. To jog your memory, every line in the backdoor peace deal he reached with Gen. Akol in 2016 starts with “I” and ends with “only me.”

This explains the reason why he singlehandedly came alone to Juba. He doesn’t command any following.

He is politically amoral and immoral creature. He is an exemplary impetuous opportunist and quintessence of the political avaritia that has swallowed our country.

He is such a beefy telegenic gentleman who loves the cameras and television shows that he feeds with rhetoric. That is the spokesman of the FVP in a capsule.

Unlike the toothy grin Ajang or the knavish Agel, the cagy Albino Bol is considered by his peers to be the regime’s blue-eyed boy. That is another way of saying that he is more Muslim than Prophet Mohammed in term of how much he supports the government in relation to Micheal Makuei Lueth, if that is possible.

He has a visceral repugnance for whoever opposes him and the government. His name calls forth a good-boy foaming at the mouth with microphone in hand. He is certifiably wordsmith. His critics say he is a serial perfidious like Judas.

With his coruscating wit and incomparable oratory, you may be tempted to think that he is a philosopher of our generation.

Unlike the one-foot amputee Prof Adwok Nyaba, the President of National Youth Union has never rebelled. He is cutting an image as the darling of the establishment.

As for Ambassador Gordon Buay, the less said the better. The former rebel General is the number two diplomat in South Sudanese embassy in Washington. Though he is not a cartoon, he could be one as a living creature can be. He is entirely inarticulate and rambunctious. However, the spite he spits causes his enemies sleepless night.

We may guess alike either the son of the former SPLA fighter is a virtuosic bloviator or a rented filthy mouth. He incarnates what the government supporters want and don’t. He charms them with the same magnitude he daunts them.

To remind you, the backdoor peace deal which brought him to the government was negotiated and signed without the involvement of the IGAD and TROIKA. It is one of the living examples of the successful backdoor peace deals.

The former rebel spokesman and once self-declared President of South Sudan in 2011 on YouTube is cutting an image as a born again nationalist who is ready to die on Facebook front line.

Incontestably, he is the moral boosting chief propagandist. He bravely commands Facebook Division.

With all these, he is a regime’s diplomatic sabre rattler with a squirt gun in his hand in Washington.

There is another person. I am taking about the rambling Mabior Garang Mabior. He is first born son of the former SPLA/M leader. This creature has turned the name of his father into a badge of honor to brag about.

He thinks he will infinitely use his father name as a passport and shield to protect and sail him to any political destination he wants.

Every year Mabior confirms that he is the only stranger in Jerusalem. He is Riek’s loyal foot soldier who can’t change his mind comes high water.

The old adage is true here, it goes like this; “only fools and dead men don’t change their minds.” Therefore, Mabior can either be a fool that has never existed or a dead-walking man of the 21st century.

Like his sorry physique, Mabior has no kind words for his detractors. He believes Dr. Riek is the only right man to govern South Sudan. Anything less than that, he would rather die in the opposition fighting for Riek.

You can easily misidentify him for an outlawed drug aficionado or a financially stranded DJ who couldn’t afford to buy a hair lotion and rub it on his unkempt dreadlock hair.

I can assure you, with one minute glance at him, you will construe that there is nothing political and futuristic in his physique and character. But he has written history you know! He was the youngest South Sudanese minister in 2016.

His heart is two-thirdly and one-thirdly stolen by the drugs and politics respectively. To him, women are tertiary needs and possibly could be insignificant. That is why the rumors have it that he is currently still unmarried while he is approaching forty years.

To describe these youthful politicians wholesomely, they are political little men in a rush who are too desirous to catch up with big men by all means. To say the least, the philosophical apophthegm of Mr. Alexander Eichener, “for a hyena, a bone is just a bone; no matter whether it lies in the bush, near the pit latrine, or in the vegetable garden of a white man. It is still a bone” accurately fits the bill of their misbegotten political philosophy.

What disturbs me is seeing them committing some fouls when consummating the politics of genuflexion and obsequiousness to ensure their personal interests are met.

Let me say this before I conclude. General Akol Koor is a good and honorable man by all measures. The peace deals he reached with Agel Riing and Ajang Ajang speak volume.

He is a man who loves peace. He loves the country to prosper too. I don’t care about what performances of his successors would be later, but I know he will top them.

Don’t accuse me of typographical error and flattery. The truth is: Gen. Akol is not like the late Khartoum’s Ibrahim Shamsaddin or Salah Abdallah Gosh, the current Director General for National Intelligence & Security Service, or even closer to Major Bob Astles, the former head of murderous State Research Bureau during the regime of former Ugandan President late Gen. Idi Amin.

Gen. Akol values human life. He doesn’t kill. And if you deny, then tell me the names of politicians or any political activist he has jailed and killed?

If none, then come to me and I will tell you the names of politicians and political activists that were supposed to be buried six feet under the ground long time ago if he were really as bad as Salah Gosh.

Gen. Akol has human proclivity that sinners and offenders are not ought to be killed, but transformed and readmitted into the society. He believes that peace can only come if we forgive ourselves and allow the freedom of expression of our diverging views without intimidation.

That is why he is now making peace deals with political dissidents.

Can you imagine with me how many people would have been exiled, jailed and possibly prosecuted if he had fully implemented the controversial security act? Hundreds of people, right? But zilch.

Don’t say that I am living in Mars. I am living in Juba. The assertion that unknown gunman is a subterfuge of the Internal Security Bureau is an obloquy by any standard and is as nonsense as the narrative that the President Kiir had planned to kill Dr. Riek in J1 failed coup attempt on 8th July 2016.

No an iota of truth in it. No spy agency/secret police in any country that kills people in that deception form.

I will end where I began. The return of Ajang Ajang with some members of the SS-UF to Juba in a backdoor peace deal negotiated and signed by Gen. Akol is a hot slap in the faces of warmongers.

It is a live evident that Gen. Akol wants peace and in the same note, it rebuts the fabrications that Gen. Akol has a political vendetta with Malong and his dismal was pushed by him.

Methinks Gen. Akol should extend this olive branch to other rebel groups. For him to succeed in this, my noggin tells me that he has to implement this deal at hand in a good faith so that it serves as example that Gen. Akol makes, implements, and keeps peace deals.

This will motivate whoever wants to make a backdoor peace deal with the government.

I am not delusional; some rebel commanders in the bush can easily reach a backdoor peace deal with the government if there is such a window opening. I support such backdoor peace deal not because it is the manna from heaven that will rain the desired everlasting peace on us, but because I have no hope in IGAD bringing an everlasting peace to South Sudanese.

And if such a deal can somehow alleviate our suffering though it may not bring a complete peace, why not giving it an experimental trial?

Disclaimer: I don’t hold brief for Gen. Akol or anyone of these promising youthful politicians on this. As a citizen of this country, I felt that I should share my independent thoughts and feelings with my fellow citizens.

Mr. Simon Yel Yel is reachable via simonyel2017@gmail.com or via 0914474471

Statement by South Sudanese Community Leaders in the UK on IGAD Peace Talks

To:
H.E President Paul Kagame, Chairperson of the African Union
The President, UN Security Council
IGAD-Plus, C/o H.E Abiy Ahmed Ali, Prime Minister of Federal Democratic Republic of
Ethiopia
TROIKA (US, UK, and Norway)
H.E. Antonio Guterres, UN Secretary General

05th June 2018
The South Sudanese community leaders in the UK, representing (the Equatoria region more
than 30 ethnic/tribal groups, Western Bahar el Gazal State (Fertit) more than 8 ethnic/tribal
groups and the Shiluk/Chollo) have received the “Bridging Proposal” by IGAD following the
recently concluded phase of High Level Revitalisation Forum in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

We express our deepest disappointment of the proposal, as it does not reflect the interest of the people of South Sudan in achieving a just and sustainable peace in the country.

The IGAD’s Bridging Proposal ignored the root causes to the conflict in South Sudan.

After carefully analysing the proposal, we have concluded that IGAD ignored the views of the other parties, which it initially requested them to consult with the people.

To our surprise, the proposal had mainly reflected the views of the Government of South Sudan and it ignored the voice of the suffering people of South Sudan.

Therefore, we call upon the international community and people of goodwill to stand with the
people of South Sudan rather than the Government, which is the cause of the people’s suffering.

The above stated proposal by IGAD, has reinforced the lack of trust we have in its ability to mediate the conflict in South Sudan in order to realise a sustainable peace.

Hence, we call upon IGAD to pass the responsibility for the mediation of the conflict to the African Union, the United Nations and the Troika (The United States of America, The United Kingdom and Norway).

We also call upon the TROIKA and the international community to review its support to IGAD in relation to the peace process in South Sudan.

We request the inclusion of the diaspora in future peace talks, as we feel that our views which
we intent to channel into the peace process were not taken into account.

** Federico Awi Vuni — Chair, Equatorian Community in the UK.

** Karlo Kwol Akol, Representative, Chollo (Shilluk) Community in the UK.

** Peter Gaere, For Western Bahar El Gazal (Fertit) Community in the UK.

For correspondence: Mr. Federico Awi Vuni; Email: federicovuni58@gmail.com

Kenya’s Raila Odinga’s delicate task in mediating S. Sudanese rivals

BY: DENG Vanag, Secretary for Information, Public Relations and Spokesperson for Federal Democratic Party/South Sudan Armed Forces, FDP/SSAF. JUN/10/2018, SSN;

South Sudanese public, having been divided over the questionable role of the mediating party and subsequent mistrust the division has caused, the regional bloc IGAD that is the mediating party has evidently lost the confidence it needs to bring about meaningful peace deal to the war-torn country.

Principal cause of mistrust in the IGAD mediation is Western-backed Uganda and Kenya which previously took a militant stand favoring Kiir’s regime, while other member states recoiled under their sweeping influence.

The unwarranted influence led to IGAD’s premeditated and self-inflicted failure that resultantly ropes Raila Odinga into near impossible task to bring down the Jericho-like walls of mistrust setting the belligerent factions apart.

The herculean task eminently awaiting is without denying former Honorable Prime Minister’s natural gift of tact, optimism and patience forming the bane of any successful diplomacy.

Coupled with the need to juggle his known crashing hammer in Kenyan political scene with tender kid gloves and bulldozing ‘’Tinga’’ or tractor with caring hand hoe in his delicate new diplomatic venture.

While hardened determination to prove his worth shall serve to inject some spectacles into his twilight Presidential ambition and desired statesmanship at home and abroad respectively.

Success which will on the other hand magnify failure of IGAD whose peace efforts to end the war are at all times blighted by an obvious covert operation to prob up an ally in Kiir, lest his fall could cause contagious effects to his kind in the neighborhood.

This doesn’t however mean Raila’s new role as peace envoy is safe from what may be thorns thrown in his way as he marches to face off an evidently daunting task.

For once, Raila himself is not in the good books of the regional control freak, Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni who always sees the former’s success as a potent threat to scuttle his own regional ambition.

Much as in the light of traditional diplomacy, neighbors are not the best mediators in the next-door squabble, despite knowing its internal political intricacies more than the far-off onlookers, due to its spills-over that divide them alongside warring factions.

Which makes the mediator to enter the bruising blame game with heavily laden baggage of preconceived line of thought to resolve the crisis.

With him {Raila} already being dubbed in both Kenya and South Sudan as yet another Riek Machar, Salva Kiir’s main rival, a remark which may be taken as sheer joke and allegation, but not completely out of context per se.

While Kiir is not fond of dealing with negotiations since they began in early 2014 with an open mind, but under more enduring influence of close minded tribal elite in the name of Jieng Council of Elders.

Without taking heed of crumbling economy as the result of devastating civil war that displaced half of the population from traditional habitat and another half being fed on an international goodwill.

All at the behest of hundreds of thousands the war has claimed and maimed with far reaching ethnic divisions to last beyond the leadership’s lifespan of the incumbent and that of his future immediate successors to reconcile.

While unlike Kiir, Machar is his own man except being more vulnerable in the negotiation given his incarceration whom Raila can easily move from his preconceived stand for Kiir to exploit to his own advantage.

Something not to be taken lightly by the former’s handlers still haunted by past experience of defaulted deals to the latter’s advantage of continuous state power stranglehold.

Whereas Odinga shall be hard pressed, as matter of necessity, to introduce real inclusivity into the process, previous efforts had been lacking and have led to their catastrophic failures.

That is by stepping out along the way to embrace all warring factions, including SSOA of which PDF is the constituent member than remaining decked in the closet by mediating just Kiir and Machar, as if they were the country and the country is them, both actors and observers alike have been wrongly hoodwinked to believe.

Known to be an independent minded persona when acting in personal capacity, however, the mission on which he Raila finds himself is a delegated authority by the Kenyan state that may be fraught with red lines to toe.

Moreover, the state he represents already stands accused of incidents favoring one side of conflict that saw three rebel members, namely James Gatdet, Dong Luak and Aggrey Idri, being deported to an enemy regime in handcuffs, with last two whereabouts still remaining unknown.

A position which is currently and fortunately on the minds of revitalization as Dr. Ababu Namwamba, Foreign Affairs Administrative Secretary has been quoted as saying in some sections of the Kenyan press, quoted accordingly:
‘’We are not talking about abstracts here. We are talking about human lives.
As the party to this negotiation, you cannot walk away with hundred percent wish list.’’

Deng Vanang;
Secretary for Information, Public Relations and Spokesperson for Federal Democratic Party/South Sudan Armed Forces, FDP/SSAF. He is cordially reachable at: dvanang@gmail.com

President Kiir: State of the Nation Address

By: Samuel Atabi, South Sudan, JUN/09/2018, SSN;

The Beginning:

Fellow South Sudanese, greetings. It is now 13 years since the gun went silent in our country. It is seven years since we became independent. However, I am afraid I have no good news to report. Our problems started at the beginning. Our leader, who had prepared himself for the task of nation building died tragically few months after the end of the war. His death is the cause of all these troubles we have.

While he lived, he did not tutor me and other leaders of the SPLM/A in statecraft. So at his death, I was pushed into unfamiliar territory of nation building, while completely devoid of any knowledge on how a nation is run. We had to start from the scratch.

Therefore, in order to steer this country, without the requisite knowledge, I have had to depend on advisors, both in this country and from foreign countries.

Barely two years after independence, was I advised that in order to stabilize the country, I should not allow any change in government, particularly in the presidency. But I was not told how to implement this advice.

Thus, when some other pretenders began to agitate for change of leadership in our only party, the SPLM, I became afraid that this would lead to instability that had been advised against.

I embarked on unchartered path whereby I decided to have my own militia, which you now call Mathiang Anyoor, to protect the presidency. Don’t blame me for this.

After all, the SPLA itself is a combination of many tribal militias: the Paulino Matip’s, Riek’s , Lam Akol’s, Alfred Gore’s, Obuto Mamur’s and others. But I now realize that this was an unwise move.

That is why I have strongly disagreed with Paul Malong who was the recruitment sergeant for the militia.

Despite the presence of lawyers and judges in my cabinet, no one advised me that this was against our supreme law, the constitution.

Unwise decisions:

Once you create an army, you must use it. So, my fellow citizens, I was railroaded into using Mathiang Anyoor in December 2013 to kill not only my former Vice President, but also his fellow tribe people who were resident in our capital, Juba. The consequence of this another unwise move, was a disaster.

From that time up to date, there has never been peace in our country. As if this massacre was not enough, my militia again tried to kill Riek Machar in July 2016, after he had returned, from where he ran, because of the peace agreement signed in August 2015.

This time round, my militia spanned out in the Equatorial (sic) region, burning, killing and raping women. Consequently, parts of the region have now been left vacant because the population has run away to Uganda.

Why Uganda? This confirms what we Jieng have been suspecting: Equatorial people are Ugandans. But again, it is not just Equatorians who have run away.

My own people from Northern Bahr el Ghazal have fled, would you believe it, back to the land of the Jalaba.

The Jieng have no reason to run away. There is no war in our part of the country.

It is the Equatorians and their intellectuals who are pushing propaganda against my government. As I speak, foreign governments are now conspiring with them for a regime change in our beloved country.

That, my fellow citizens, is the state of the matters in our nation; do not allow foreigners to change your elected government.

Peace and lost opportunities:

Let me now turn to the issue of peace talks. Our brothers, and all of them are men, in the Opposition are making unreasonable demands at the negotiation table.

Can you imagine they want to dissolve our lovely and gallant SPLA and replace it with their ragtag forces?

Imagine also that, I, your hero, your protector and your unifier, should vacate this seat…. another demand by the Opposition.

These, I am sorry to say, are red lines. I have instructed my delegates at the Addis Ababa peace talks not to cross them.

They can go to hell, the Opposition, and I would rather die than resign from the presidency. I am sure all of you, my fellow compatriots, agree with me on this.

Let us pose for a minute, close our eyes and think of an alternative world that is peaceful and different from what I have just described above.

Imagine there was no war in our country. Imagine too, I did not try to kill Riek Machar twice and I did not order Mathiang Anyoor to kill Nuer and Equatorial civilians.

Imagine we did not encourage mega corruption among our leaders and people.

Lastly, imagine we treated each other with respect, equality and justice in matters of employment, opportunities and freedom. Then, fellow citizens, we would be far ahead of any of our neighbors. Let me explain.

With billions of dollars accruing from our oilfields, we would have done a lot of developmental things. By this time I would be addressing you from our new centrally-placed, brand new capital of Ramchiel.

We would have built radiating roads from that capital to various compass points of our country: from Ramciel to Malakal, to Raja, to Wau, to Kuaojok, to Mundri, to Source Yubu, to Yambio, to Maridi, to Rumbek, to Yei, to Nimule, to Torit, to Nadapal, to Boma, to Nasir to Pagak, to Bentiu, to Renk etc.

All of them would be tarmacked.

To spur our industrial development and encourage inward direct foreign investments, we would have built a modern hydroelectric plant at Fulla rapids in Nimule. We would have had sufficient electricity to drive our industries and light our homes.

We would have built our own railway line, the much talked-about Standard Gauge Rail (SGR) and pipeline to the eastern African coast to ferry our export and import and to transport passengers to and from our country and transport our oil products, respectively.

Our economy would be booming (forget Lol’s claim) from development in agriculture and manufacturing sectors.

We would have mechanized our farming, introduced irrigation in places like Acholi, Aweil (for rice production) and continue to grow crops like coffee and tea in Yei, and Upper Talanga, and wheat in Nagishot.

We would have improved our livestock to produce dairy products (milk, cheese yogurt, ghee etc.), and hide and skin and of course beef. Our fisheries in the Sudd regions would be flourishing as we export fresh fish to the European Union, using refrigerated trucks and cargo aircraft.

We would have built a hospital in every county, trained doctors and paramedics to man them.

We would have built a primary school in every boma and a secondary school in every county to educate our young ones.

We would have built more universities to train our human resources for civil service, health sector, agriculture, economy and of course our culture and heritage.

We would have professionalized our army, welding them from the various ethnic groups into one, patriotic army with clear objective of protecting our hard-earned independence, instead of turning the guns against their own compatriots.

We would now be having a professional police force and national security at par with the CIA or MI5 or MI6 or Mossad. They would safeguard our security while at the same time respecting the constitutional rights of our citizens.

We would have developed a secure hospitality and tourism industry based on the natural endowment of our teeming and unique wildlife and cultures.

Conclusion

Ladies and gentlemen, nothing would stop us from achieving these because we HAD the money, the human resources, and the stamina to persevere.

Didn’t we struggle for decades to gain our independence?

Lastly, I have a message to our comrades in arms. I have seen the growth of mercenary attitudes among you. No one seems ready to undertake any small task without demanding payment of money for it.

If we did not have the spirit of sacrifice, we would not have liberated this country. Show kindness and patriotism in all that you are doing.

I want you to reflect deeply on the two aspects of what our country is in now and what it would have been. After that let us have a serious conservation of the way forward.

Thank you, God bless you and God bless South Sudan.

Samuel Atabi is a South Sudanese political commentator