Archive for: June 2018

Blunders of SPLM-IO and betrayal by Taban Deng Gai

By Duop Chak Wuol, South Sudan, JUN/30/2018, SSN;

Fighting against an established system is not theatrical. The general rule for an armed rebellion is not to appease people; it is to fight for a cause using necessary political and military means.

The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-In Opposition’s (SPLM-IO) strategy of focusing too much on peace and ignoring arming its military wing, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army-In Opposition (SPLA-IO), is not a plausible policy.

If the SPLM-IO wants to win the hearts and minds of its supporters, then it must change its overall strategy, which has consisted of a series of blunders so far.

In October 2015, the SPLA-IO military intelligence personnel discovered that the current First Vice President, Taban Deng Gai, who was then chief peace negotiator for the armed opposition, colluded with the government.

When the issue was brought to the attention of the SPLM/-IO leadership, they brushed it off as if that was not the case.

It is worth mentioning that in late 2015, Taban was also discouraging SPLM/A-IO’s foreign friends not to assist the rebellion in any way, whether it be arms or financial.

The rebel leadership did not consider the intelligence reports about Taban’s activities, committing a mistake that the armed opposition must not ever repeat.

There is no doubt in my mind that the SPLA-IO suffers because of the political decisions made by the rebel leadership.

In January 2016, Taban was recalled to the town of Pagak to consult with the leadership of the armed opposition. This occurred after Juba’s regime refused to allow the SPLA-IO to transport thousands of its soldiers as stipulated in the August 2015 power-sharing deal.

But when he landed in Pagak, the SPLA-IO intelligence agents suggested that Taban must be removed from his position as the chief negotiator or else be arrested. However, the rebel leadership refused to act.

It was a colossal mistake on the SPLM-IO’s part. What the armed opposition’s political leadership did not understand was that Taban was visibly furious because he had been appointed as mining minister, instead of petroleum minister, a position for which he once secretly campaigned.

During the consultative meeting in Pagak, Taban surprised the leadership of the armed opposition by declaring that SPLM/-IO has no power to reverse Juba’s demand to reduce the number of its troops even though the number of the armed opposition troops was stipulated in the agreement.

After Taban deceived the rebel leadership, he flew back to Juba and resumed his duties as the chief peace negotiator for the rebels.

However, in April 2016, Taban resigned as the rebel chief negotiator, claiming that his new role as mining minister was enough and that he wanted to focus only on running his ministry.

His claim was an elaborate lie. Taban was not resigning because he was committed to his new role as South Sudan’s mining minister: the resignation was merely the first calculated step to dissociate himself from the rebel leadership.

What’s more, some SPLM-IO officials were quick to praise Taban as a role model because he was committed to his new assignment as the mining minister.

The problem was that the armed opposition was methodically fooled by Taban, forcing some rebel officials to publicly defend him. The irony was that their defense of Taban in the media turned out to be a regrettable mistake.

In July 2016, Taban, President Kiir, and former chief of staff, Paul Malong, attempted to assassinate the armed opposition leader Dr. Riek Machar in a meeting at Juba One (J1).

Fortunately, SPLA-IO’s forces emerged victorious, killing almost all of Kiir’s soldiers who were deployed with the intent to kill Machar and then blame it on “rogue soldiers.”

Another strategic mistake the rebel leadership made in 2014-2016 was that it placed too much of a focus on peace without properly arming its soldiers.

This is not to say that the SPLM-IO should not focus on peace. What I am saying is that it must find ways to supply its army wing with weapons while working for peace at the same time.

One of the main reasons why Kiir is refusing peace is that he knows his soldiers are well-equipped.

If the armed opposition were to be equipped with modern weapons and sophisticated missiles capable of destroying tanks, shooting down helicopters or jets, I guarantee you, peace would return to South Sudan in the blink of an eye.

When Machar and other top rebel leaders fled for their lives, most South Sudanese immediately concluded that Taban was behind the fighting and that his true intention was to kill Dr. Machar and take over the leadership of the SPLM/A-IO.

Prior to the assassination attempt on Machar’s life, Taban knew he was not popular in rebel-controlled areas, and he also knew that his collusion with Juba’s regime to hijack the 2015 peace pact was discovered. But he was lucky because of SPLM-IO’s inaction.

These notable mistakes must not be repeated by the SPLM/-IO’s leadership.

The armed opposition must engage in the peace revitalization talks, knowing that one of its own could become another Taban.

The rebel leadership must also negotiate reasonably and consider people’s demands, avoiding a repeat of Taban’s greedy strategy.

One of the SPLM-IO’s critical political mistakes was that it failed to act or use powers granted to it under the armed opposition constitution.

The top leadership could have removed Taban when he was working against interests of the SPLM/A-IO while serving as its chief peace negotiator at the same time.

The rebel leadership could also have used its legal powers to punish Taban or anyone the intelligence operatives deemed as a threat to the movement — and the best thing it could have done was to dismiss him from the SPLM/A-IO and allowed the intelligence personnel to arrest him.

If the leadership of the armed opposition had acted in this way, all those who joined the rebellion or anyone who lied his or her way to the movement’s top leadership could have left voluntarily.

The action could also have discouraged anyone who wished to join the rebellion with the intent of spying on the SPLM/A-IO. We witnessed this sad reality when Taban conspired with Kiir and Paul, among others, to kill Machar in July 2016.

We know who joined him after Machar fled Juba and this is what the rebel intelligence agents tried to tell the rebel leadership.

Being slow to act is not always the best strategy — it is a plan that must be scrapped if the SPLM/A-IO wants to succeed.

Taban is known as someone who would slit the throat of anyone who refuses him a position he wants. Taban is also known in South Sudan as someone who is only interested in lucrative positions.

If Machar had appointed him as the petroleum minister, the July 2016 fighting would not have happened, and the 2015 peace would have been implemented.

Taban is a world-class greedy politician and co-hijacker of the 2015 peace accord. Those who know Taban from his childhood would tell you the man is a very dangerous politician.

This does not surprise me since he once plotted to kill Machar in Unity State during 2010 gubernatorial elections when it was clear that he forced the electoral committee in Bentiu to declare him as the winner and threatened the head of the committee unless he inflated the number of people who voted for him.

Taban used all these dictatorial tactics when it was clear to him that Dr. Machar’s wife and his chief rival, Angelina Teny, was the clear winner.

The notion that the armed opposition should strike a deal with Salva Kiir’s regime while Taban is a Kiir’s ally is rather perverse. Taban knows he has no future in the SPLM/A-IO’s areas because he betrayed the movement in 2016.

Taban knows it, and that is why he pledges his full allegiance to Kiir’s destructive regime. It would be a mistake if the rebel leadership thought that Taban no longer posed a threat to its existence.

So, remember that Taban’s 2015-2016 evil plan is still very much alive.

An armed struggle is not a joke and the leadership of the rebel movement must not continue to make the same blunders while the regime in Juba continues looking for the best way to destroy the rebellion.

What the SPLM-IO decision-making body should do is to reorganize its rank and file and strengthen its political and military rules to make sure that a July 2016 J1 scenario does not happen again.

The rebel leadership must also know that focusing too much on diplomacy without a strong army is useless. It is no longer feasible in this modern world for any rebel leader to succeed on a diplomatic front alone.

For Kiir to accept peace, the SPLA-IO must be heavily armed, and the armed opposition must develop strategies that can identify traitors and those who joined the SPLM/A-IO with the intent of destroying it.

The SPLA-IO intelligence operatives must exercise their utmost powers to confront anyone who undermines the movement’s vision for the country. Taban’s collusion with Kiir must be the last.

The author can be reached at duop282@gmail.com.

LATEST: Machar’s rebels now demand peace deal amendments

JUN/27/2018- Various Sources;

Dr. Riek Machar’s rebel group are now demanding amendments to the framework agreement signed with the Kiir’s Juba government in Khartoum on Tuesday, June 26, 2018.

The rebel movement’s director of information and public relations, Mabior Garang de Mabior, said that they were opposed to the dividing of the country into three regions, the invitation of foreign forces and the resumption of oil production prior to a comprehensive negotiated settlement.

“South Sudan is one country and cannot be divided into three,” said Mabior in reaction to proposals that the country should have three capitals—Juba, Wau and Malakal.

So far, however, there are no details as to what is behind the proposal of having these so-called ‘three capitals in the country’ and what kind of governance system is envisioned for the country.

According to a document leaked to the media on Tuesday, the two sides had agreed to a peace deal, including the declaration of ceasefire in the country.

However, rebel leader Riek Machar was later quoted saying that his side needed two days to review the peace deal.

Dr Machar said in Khartoum that they had asked to be given two more days for consultations within their party and with other opposition factions before signing the deal.

Unconfirmed reports coming out reportedly from sources within the meeting hall say that there was allegedly some kind of intimidation and pressure on Dr. Riek Machar from the notorious Sudanese National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) to sign the agreement or else no single opposition groups members would be allowed to leave Khartoum.

Dr. Machar had requested the secretariat to allow him to further consult the other opposition forces but that was clearly impeded and Machar had no way out except to sign the agreement.

Further, it’s being revealed that the head of the Sudan’s National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS), Salah Goss, reportedly exerted pressure on the South Sudanese political groups to initial the so-called ‘peace deal.’

Khartoum peace talks resumed in Khartoum on Monday under Sudanese President Omar Bashir and his Ugandan counterpart Yoweri Museveni.

According to the Framework Agreement, the two rivals — President Salva Kiir and Machar — agreed, among other things, to allow the Khartoum government to secure the oil fields in South Sudan in coordination with the Juba administration, and to rehabilitate the wells to restore the previous levels of production.

They also declared to work together again for the third time after their long disagreement proved difficult for peace and stability.

Peace efforts

President Bashir on Monday promised to end the war in South Sudan and pave the way for rigorous development in the war-torn state.

“I would like to assure everyone that Sudan will work hard and try all measures based on our experience during the war and peace times to ensure that this initiative is a success.

“We shall use our experience in the management of national and community dialogues to address all the issues,” President Bashir said.

Interestingly, however, the Sudanese leader is a suspect wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity and genocide committed in western Darfur region.

South Sudan attained independence from Sudan in 2011 but descended into a civil war two years later.

The war erupted following a power wrangle between President Salva Kiir and his former deputy Dr Machar.

The conflict has caused one of the largest humanitarian crises in the continent, according to the UN.

About two million South Sudanese have become refugees in neighbouring countries.

The International Crisis Group estimates that more than 100,000 lives have been lost in the young nation from from 2013 to 2015 alone.

Why Kiir is letting us down by refusing to work with rebel Machar

BY: Apioth Mayom Apioth, South Sudan, JUN/27/2018, SSN;

It is essential for our dear leader Salva Kiir to create a conducive working relationship with Riek Machar because our lives might just depend on it. Politics, unlike culture which takes an enormous amount of time to make a substantial change, is an emotional animal.

It changes from one second to the next without sending a warning signal. Riek Machar has been in this galactic political arena for over thirty years. He was first believed to be a spiritual anointed leader by Ngundeng, and now he has become the leading opposition figure in the land.

Political success just doesn’t happen by pure luck and serendipitous wishful thinking.

An intelligent political thinker must first and foremost play his/her cards of wins and losses very well; he/she must at all times know that she would never win all her initiated games; that is why it is always essential to be a shrewd schemer whose game plans are hard to shake off.

Is Salva Kiir afraid of losing the presidency to Riek Machar come the end of the transitional period?

Is that why he is refusing to share a spotlight with Riek Machar in the Transitional government?

Another essential element that an intelligent political thinker must control at all times is the political sentiment. Political sentiment is another emotional animal that must continuously be fed by consistently doing good deeds to the general populace.

Our wish is to find a way to silence all the guns and bring everyone on board to start a brand new era for South Sudan.

And for us to do that is to make sure that both Kiir Mayar and Riek Machar work together for this sentimental and chaotic period of the transitional government.

All the leading South Sudanese politicians whether they go by the name of Kiir Mayar or Riek Machar for that matter don’t give an inch about anyone; they are only in politics to make a name for themselves.

That is the main reason why you still hear them wanting to continue leading their shady and bloody political careers when in reality they should have called it a quit several decades ago.

If Kiir refuses to work with Machar, then it is possible that the war might continue unabated with consequential repercussions.

A life of a nameless South Sudanese is equal in value to Kiir’s, or Riek’s. After the end of Kiir’s political career; other political figures will rise up and take his place.

And where are these political giants going to come from after his time comes to an end? They are going to come from the very people he allows guns to continuously maim and disfigure year in and year out.

It is totally out of place for Kiir to allow his corruptible character to take over his thinking just because his obsession with the presidency won’t allow him to do what is right.

At the end of the day, being president is a position like any other occupational career. The people he pays no heed to our other people’s brothers, sisters, mothers, and fathers.

They are important people in their own right. Kiir has no divine and ordained right to trample over their God-given right to live a long and bountiful life full of happiness and harmonious relationships.

As a matter of fact, he was picked by Dr. John Garang to serve the very needs of the common people he is neglecting right now.

We were lucky not to have drawn into another round of war with the Khartoum right after we signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which culminated and ushered into a fully independent nation from Sudan.

Politics doesn’t favor rigid and hard to change political figures. It needs people who are always on their toes righting their wrongs and blending their thinking with better and powerful ideologies that are susceptible to the political erosion of time.

The most conscientious and moral duty of our contemporary era rests squarely on the shoulders of Kiir and Machar to find a meaningful way to work together so we can replace the gun mentality with smiles and economic prosperity to help raise our national GDP to an astronomical level.

No one knows for sure how things might span out if Machar is not included in this peace process. Political adversaries must put aside their differences for the sake of the common citizens.

Salva Kiir is a devout Christian and in politics, people don’t have the desire to be nice to you all the time; the political game can leave a bitter taste on your mouth.

Kiir and Machar must capture the calm political sentimental environment to avoid being drawn into another full-scale war that we all so dread.

Apioth Mayom Apioth has a Bachelor of Arts degree in Social Sciences from the Evergreen State College in Olympia, WA USA. He is an Admission Counselor from the University of North Dakota. He can be reached at: agutkeu@gmail.com.

LATEST: Kiir-Machar to sign again a New Peace Deal & Arab Beshir to take over control of the OIL….AGAIN!

From Various Sources, JUN/26/2018;

South Sudanese President Salva Kiir and rebel leader Riek Machar have finally inked an agreement to end the war.

The two met in Khartoum on Monday to continue their face-to- face talks and mute all the stumbling blocks to the peace in the young nation.

On Tuesday, the two leaders reached compromises on a number of outstanding issues.

Temporary basis:

The areas agreed upon include a permanent ceasefire, cantonments for all forces and the deployment of forces by Igad and the African Union to safeguard the ceasefire.

President Kiir and Dr Machar further agreed to have three capital cities; namely Juba, Wau and Malakal on temporary basis to host the three proposed vice-presidents.

Lords of South Sudan killing fields meet again.

SUDAN LEADER BASHIR TAKES OVER ABSOLUTE CONTROL OF SOUTH SUDAN OIL PRODUCTION: According to the signed Framework Agreement, seen by the media, the two rivals agreed to allow the Khartoum government to secure the oil fields in South Sudan in coordination with the Juba administration, and to rehabilitate the wells to restore the previous levels of production.

They also declared to work together again for the third time after their long disagreement proved difficult for peace and stability.

Sudanese President Omar Bashir on Monday promised to end the war in South Sudan and pave the way for rigorous development in the war-torn state.

His promise seems to be bearing positive results on the peace process.

Community dialogues

“I would like to assure everyone that Sudan will work hard and try all measures based on our experience during the war and peace times to ensure that this initiative is a success.

“We shall use our experience in the management of national and community dialogues to address all the issues,” President Bashir said.

Interestingly, however, the Sudanese leader is a suspect wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity and genocide committed in western Darfur region.

President Museveni appealed to key political players in South Sudan is to have constructive deliberations as they negotiate for peace, unity and concretize the ground for the development of their country.

“I used to see South Sudan developing but later it went into a standstill because of disunity. Today, we have had discussions on matters of peace in South Sudan and we have a good starting point to restore political normalcy.

It was a good gesture that both Salva Kiir and Dr Riek Machar shook hands, setting into motion the fruitful meeting we had today (June 25),” said Mr Museveni before adding: “I pledge full support and solidarity to ensure that South Sudan is back on the track of economic and social development.

I thank His Excellency Omar el-Bashir for his concern over the political instability in South Sudan and for calling this meeting. I also salute Dr Machar for honouring this peace-making mission for the benefit of all people in his country and His Excellency Salva Kiir for being present too.”

“We cannot talk about it and we cannot tell our position now because we are still working on it. The document was presented by President Bashir yesterday night,” Mayen Dut Wol, South Sudan ambassador to Khartoum told Radio Tamazuj this afternoon.

South Sudan opposition leader Riek Machar said he wanted to discuss the draft document with his officials.

“We need to be given one day so that we can look at it. I had to get it around 11 am, so I haven’t read it,” Machar said.

Meanwhile, Manawa Peter Gatkuoth, a leading member of the rebel movement led by Riek Machar also confirmed they had been served with a framework agreement by Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir.

“We are expected to sign the declaration on Wednesday. Kiir, Machar and Bashir discussed it but Machar wanted the opposition to conduct consultations on it,” Manawa.

IGAD Latest summit bans Machar from ever returning to South Sudan

21/JUNE/2018, ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA;
The IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government held its 32nd
Extra-Ordinary Summit on 21st June 2018, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia under the Chairmanship of H.E. Dr Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and Chairperson of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government and discussed the situation in the Republic of South Sudan.

The Assembly was attended by Presidents of Djibouti, Kenya, Somalia, Kiir of South Sudan, of Sudan; and Mr. Kutesa, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Uganda.

The Summit was also attended by H.E Amb. Mahboub Maalim, the Executive Secretary of IGAD; H.E Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission; H.E Festus G. Mogae, the Chairperson of the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC); H.E Dr. Ismail Wais, IGAD Special Envoy for South Sudan. The opening session was also attended by H.E Hanna Tetteh, Lead Facilitator of the HLRF; the SRSG to South Sudan and Head of UNMISS; the UNSG Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan; the Co-Chair of the IGAD Partners Forum (IGAD-IPF); the representatives of the Troika on South Sudan (US, UK, Norway); representatives of the IGAD Plus, and the representative of China.

The opening session was also attended by the Chairperson of SPLM/AIO,
heads/representatives of South Sudan Opposition Alliance, Former Detainees and Other Political Parties.

After considering the report of the Council, IGAD Special Envoy, and
statements made by the Chairperson of JMEC, the representatives of
partner countries and organizations, and considering interventions
made by the Heads of State and Government, the Assembly issued the
following communiqué.

The Assembly:
1. Recalls the mandate entrusted to the IGAD Council of Ministers on
June 12, 2017 at its 31st Extra-Ordinary Session authorizing the
Council “to urgently convene a High Level Revitalization Forum
(HLRF) of the parties to the ARCSS including estranged groups to
discuss concrete measures, to restore permanent ceasefire, to full
implementation of the Peace Agreement and to develop a
revised and realistic timeline and implementation schedule
towards democratic election at the end of the Transition Period”;

2. Recalls also the communiqués of the IGAD Council of Ministers
issued since June 2017 on South Sudan and the recommendations
made thereof;

3. Takes note of the statement by the Chairperson of the IGAD
Assembly and the HLRF Progress Report of the IGAD Special Envoy
for South Sudan as well as the statement by the Chairperson of the
Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC);

4. Affirms that the HLRF has been successfully conducted and that it
has been an inclusive process that enabled all Parties to the
Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of
South Sudan (ARCSS), including the estranged groups and other
South Sudanese Stakeholders, Faith-Based Groups, Civil Society
Organizations, women and youth to participate in the process;

5. Welcomes the face-to-face talks held on 20th June 2018 between
President Salva Kiir Mayardit and Dr. Riek Machar Teny under the
auspices of the IGAD Chairperson, H.E Dr Abiy Ahmed Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia; Encourages the two leaders to work together and mobilize the people of South Sudan to end the conflict;

6. Recognizes that as a result of the HLRF process, the Agreement on
the Cessation of Hostilities, Protection of Civilians and Humanitarian Access (CoHA) was signed by all Parties and Stakeholders on December 21st, 2017. The Summit considers this as an achievement
upon which a Permanent Ceasefire shall be based;

7. Urges all the parties to ensure unimpeded humanitarian corridors
and access, and guarantee safety of humanitarian workers;

8. Commends the South Sudanese Parties and Stakeholders for making significant progress in the revitalization process; and calls upon them to make further compromises and expeditiously conclude the process;

9. Mandates President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir to facilitate a second
round of face–to-face discussion between President Salva Kiir
Mayardit and Dr Riek Machar Teny within two weeks to build on the
Addis Ababa face-to-face talks to:

a. discuss and resolve the outstanding issues on governance and security arrangements including measures proposed in the revised Bridging Proposal of the IGAD Council of Ministers; and

b. discuss measures to be taken to rehabilitate the South Sudanese economy through bilateral cooperation between the Republic of South Sudan and the Republic of Sudan.

10. Decides also that H.E Omar Hassan Al-Bashir shall inform H.E
Uhuru Kenyatta the outcome of the discussion between the parties;

11. Decides further that President Uhuru Kenyatta will facilitate a third round of face-to-face discussion between President Salva Kiir
Mayardit and Dr Riek Machar Teny in Nairobi to facilitate the
revitalization process and report the outcome and way forward to the upcoming Ordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government;

12. Instructs the IGAD Council of Ministers to give guidance to Special Envoy for South Sudan on the remaining tasks to finalize the IGAD bridging proposal at the sideline of the 33rd African Union Summit to be held in Noukacheut, Mauritania;

13. Decides that the SPLM/A-IO leader H.E Dr. Riek Machar Teny be
free to leave the Republic of South Africa to any country of his
choice except the IGAD region; and that he shall be allowed to
enter into and exit from Sudan and Kenya for the duration of the
peace process; also decides to deliberate on his final status at
the upcoming Ordinary Summit of the IGAD Assembly;

14. Condemns in the strongest terms the repeated violations of the
CoHA by the parties as reported by the Ceasefire Transitional
Security Arrangement Mechanism (CTSAMM) and JMEC; Decides that the Republic of Sudan and the Republic of Kenya shall further investigate the violation reports submitted by CTSAMM and JMEC and report to the next Summit the appropriate targeted punitive measures to be taken;

15. Expresses its appreciation to the Chairperson and members of the IGAD Council of Ministers, the Special Envoy for South Sudan, the High-Level Facilitators, the Chairpersons of JMEC and CTSAMM, and the HLRF taskforce for their assistance to the South Sudanese parties and stakeholders in their endeavor to revitalize the ARCSS;

16. Expresses also its appreciation for the steadfast support and
solidarity extended to IGAD by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and the Secretary General of the United Nations, and calls upon them to continue to stand firmly behind IGAD in the final stages of the revitalization process and its implementation;

17. Expresses further its gratitude to the international community; in particular, the European Union, IGAD Partners Forum, Troika (USA,
UK, Norway) and China for their political support and financial assistance rendered in support of the revitalization process and calls upon them to continue their support in the finalization of the
HLRF process; and urges them to remain seized of the peace process and implementation of its outcome.

18. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

Done on the 21st day of June 2018
in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Salva Kiir’s kingdom of doom, killings and tyranny

By: Duop Chak Wuol, South Sudanese, JUN/17/2018, SSN;

Empires come and go, regardless of whether they’re good or bad. One of the chief measures employed by historians is an investigatory examination into the legacies the empires leave behind — these legacies are always methodically scrutinized by the people who the empires once ruled.

In South Sudan, the final report of Salva Kiir’s regime is already written on the wall. Kiir’s leadership isn’t just troubling; it’s a kingdom of destruction where his regime’s policy is heavily influenced by tribal interests instead of issues that’re of national importance.

South Sudan cannot be a stable country if we don’t tell the truth. Kiir’s presidency is indisputably an ethnic one.

The man is not a president for all, although he claims to be such a leader only when he sees a real threat to his leadership.

Kiir surrounds himself with known tribal hooligans who’ve hate towards other South Sudanese ethnicities. For instance, the notorious Jieng Council of Elders (JCE), that’s by default a co-president of South Sudan, is consumed by a twisted belief that the Jieng should be the only tribe to lead South Sudan.

The South Sudanese believe that Kiir and the JCE don’t work for all South Sudanese, rather they work for JCE’s interests.

This seemingly ethnic thinking is also maintained by Defense Minister Kuol Manyang Juuk, information minister Michael Makuey Lueth, and Presidential adviser Nhial Deng Nhial, among others.

But if one asks these three men if they’re for a tribal supremacy, they’d deny it and even try to kiss the soil to prove that they’re not tribalists. Kuol, Michael, and Nhial are known tribal freaks who always talk diplomatically during the day and tribally at night.

Salva Kiir always claims to be a man who cares for unity in South Sudan. History tells us that a good leader who cares for his or her legacy tends to focus mainly on policies that unite people and develop the economy.

Kiir’s a heartless tyrant who cares nothing for the suffering of the people of South Sudan because his immediate family members and close relatives don’t suffer the same way other South Sudanese do.

In addition, it appears that Kiir’ll only accept peace or act with care and consideration if, and only if, he’s confronted with a real threat striking at his very doorstep.

The man has been making surprisingly absurd claims about his leadership. Kiir believes that the people of South Sudan should recognize his leadership as the legitimate moral authority of the country.

However, investigations into his regime demonstrate that these claims are inconsistent with an actual, material state of affairs. Surely, any leader who cares for his people wouldn’t destroy his or her own country and demand respect from people at the same time.

What’s clear is that Kiir’s main focus is an imposition of a tribal supremacy on other South Sudanese tribes. This is a monumental mistake on his part. He forgets the fact that his presidency will be gone and that he’s placing an irremovable stain on his legacy and family members.

Kiir isn’t the good person he always wants people to believe. His background is spoiled with appalling crimes. In public, Kiir will pose as a national figure who deserves to be trusted by the South Sudanese. But in private, he’s a very dangerous man.

In Kiir’s world, anyone who glorifies his tyranny is a good person and anyone who questions his cruelty is a bad person. This is like a madman trying to blame his mental issue on bystanders.

In 2004, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) was fractured by rumors and factional interests. Kiir himself was furious about former SPLM/A leader, the late Dr. John Garang.

When the leaders of the SPLM met in Rumbek in late 2004, Kiir accused Dr. Garang of controlling everything in the movement. Kiir, who’s second in command of the SPLM/A at the time, also dispelled rumors about him being against chairman Garang.

He admitted during the conference that he’s for peace because his people, the people of Bahr El Ghazal, were the ones who’re hit hard by famine and attacks from Arab militias. Kiir also blamed Garang for allowing uncoordinated leadership conferences to take place.

A methodical analysis of Salva Kiir’s speech at the 2004 Rumbek meeting shows that Kiir’s now doing the very same things he once accused Dr. Garang of doing.

For instance, he cunningly changed South Sudan’s constitution to make himself an absolute dictator, imposed some provisions in the SPLM’s by-laws that allowed him to appoint his allies to the party leadership, and gave himself powers to appoint some members of the national parliament, including state governors, among others.

So Kiir’s claim of being a rational leader who wanted the democratization of the SPLM/A during the 2004 conference was a pure deceit and merely showed that he’s more dangerous than the people he always accused of wrongdoings.

Kiir’s tyranny didn’t begin when he took over the leadership of the SPLM/A in 2005. His brutality began in the late 1980s when he was the head of the SPLA military intelligence. His ruthlessness later developed to a serious stage.

In Itang, for example, Kiir was known as someone who’d summon any military commander he hated to his headquarters and execute him or her, using surprisingly similar techniques to those he now uses.

Another method was that Kiir’d abruptly tell a commander that he or she was ordered to immediately go to a frontline, claiming some changes in military command had taken place. When such an officer agreed to go, Kiir then ordered his own killing squad to eliminate the officer on the way.

For instance, Kiir’d tell the targeted person to travel in an SPLA car with a few bodyguards, carefully choose a road the individual would travel, and when the person began his or her fake assignment journey, he or she’d be stopped on the road by Kiir’s thugs and silenced for good.

After his orders were fulfilled by his killing squad, Kiir’d then turn around and lie to the family members of the deceased that he or she is still fighting on the frontline.

But when Kiir knew the family of the person he secretly eliminated was skeptical of his elaborate lies, he’d fabricate a story that the person in question was killed on the frontline.

As you can see, Kiir’s use of unknown gunmen today is deeply rooted in his blood. If there’re people who believe Kiir’s a good leader then, does this make you wonder why he’s a bad leader now? But as you can see, Kiir’s background speaks for itself.

Salva Kiir’s ambition to become an absolute dictator is real. For instance, when Dr. Riek Machar spearheaded the national reconciliation in 2012, Kiir was noticeably furious.

He employed his trusted sycophants who publicly accused Machar of running against Kiir. The irony is that Kiir now wants the national reconciliation he once labeled as “Machar’s campaign strategy” to oust him from the party leadership.

Kiir’s campaign of trying to hide behind a false concern for the nation can easily be tested if a non-Dinka tries to run against him for the party leadership or presidency.

This was what happened in 2013, when it was clear his then deputy Machar was going to take over the leadership of the SPLM. This was where Kiir’s political madness exploded.

At that time, most South Sudanese forecasted that there was going to be blood on Juba’s streets.

This prediction occurred in late 2013, when Kiir unleashed tribally-motivated attacks on Nuer civilians in Juba under the pretext of a bogus coup.

What some people do not know is the fact that Kiir’s decision to prevent Machar from contesting the party leadership was tribally-motivated.

Kiir’s a very cunning person. If his current First Vice President Taban Deng Gai decides to contest the chairmanship of the party while Kiir’s a candidate for the same post, I guarantee you that Kiir’ll go ballistic, and Taban and his followers will be slaughtered the same way Kiir massacred innocent Nuer in December 2013.

Kiir’s presidency is all about tribal reign, but because the case is somewhat sensitive, Kiir’d claim that he isn’t a tribalist. But nobody’d believe him except his tyrannical ring-lickers.

Kiir’s strategy isn’ot only limited to Dinka and Nuer decades of rivalry. This could happen to any non-Dinka person who tries to run for a position Kiir holds.

If you wonder why, then try to convince James Wani Igga to run for Kiir’s position and see what happens.

Kiir has built a kingdom that’s too destructive for the country. The people of South Sudan must stand up against this atrocious regime to free themselves.

We didn’t fight against Khartoum’s regime only to face the same brutality again. Kiir must be forced to accept peace or be confronted militarily until he’s buried in the same coffin with his doomed presidency.

The author can be reached at duop282@gmail.com.

Kenya and Uganda facilitating Corruption in Kiir-led South Sudan

Remarks by John Prendergast, Co-Founder, The Sentry

Press Event with Sigal Mandelker, Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, U.S. Department of the Treasury

Nairobi | June 13, 2018;

In my short introductory remarks, I’m going to try to quickly answer six important questions:

1. WHY DOES SOUTH SUDAN MATTER TO KENYA?

The government and rebel leaders in South Sudan who are destroying their country through atrocity crimes such as village burning, mass rape, child soldier recruitment, and obstruction of humanitarian aid are the same people who have looted the world’s newest country of billions of dollars of natural resource wealth.

The Kenyan real estate and banking sectors are critically important getaway cars for this South Sudanese looting machine.

Kenyan commercial interests have facilitated the exodus of the spoils of corruption, and laundered the stolen assets of South Sudanese leaders, their family members, and their business partners. Kenya represents a key entry point into the international financial system for these elites and, along with Uganda, remains a preferred destination for them to stash their assets.

Kenya has also been connected to South Sudan through the thousands of South Sudanese refugees it has hosted, as well as being a leader in the peace processes involving South Sudan for decades, both before and after its independence.

2. WHAT RISKS DOES SOUTH SUDAN POSE TO KENYA?

The integrity of the Kenyan banking system continues to be under threat from its ongoing exploitation by those who facilitate illicit financial flows from South Sudan.

This exploitation will increasingly imperil Kenya’s economic growth and access to the international financial system, as corrupt South Sudanese leaders look across the border to stash ill-gotten assets in bank accounts and real estate, including right here in Nairobi.

If Kenya is seen by the international financial community as the regional destination for the proceeds of corruption from South Sudan, it risks serious damage to its image as a safe place for multinational banks and other companies to do business.

As shown by the U.S. Treasury’s Advisory yesterday warning banks about the connection between corrupt senior foreign political figures and their enabling of human rights abuses, regulators are increasingly concerned about the use of the U.S. and international financial systems to move or hide illicit proceeds or evade U.S. and multilateral sanctions.

We should do everything possible to ensure that Kenya is well-positioned to protect the health of its financial industry and demonstrate to multinational banks and businesses that Kenya won’t tolerate money laundering by South Sudanese elites.

Combating this perception through taking action is critical to safeguarding Kenya’s reputation as a safe and well-regulated financial system for companies around the world who are right now deciding whether or not they invest or transact in new markets like Kenya.

A recent study by the Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG), the top anti-money laundering watchdog in the region, showed that the negative trend has already started.

In the study, Kenya falls near the top of the list in every category of “de-risking,” where global banks decide that some business relationships are just too risky to maintain.

This is not a problem just faced by Kenya, and the impact of de-risking can be seen elsewhere in the world. De-risking, combined with reputational damage to a country’s industry, has severe consequences for the economic growth and financial prosperity of countries that are seen to be lax in complying with international standards for anti-money laundering and financial transparency.

Furthermore, the IGAD regional mediators trying to resolve the South Sudan conflict currently lack the leverage necessary to stop violent kleptocrats from using their forces to burn, imprison, silence, torture, starve, impoverish, kill, and rape to maintain or gain power.

South Sudanese peace talks are stuck in part because President Kiir and his allies do not want to let go of their exclusive grip on the crudely-constructed looting machine masquerading as a government.

The primary point of leverage is going after the stolen assets of South Sudanese leaders and their collaborators, finally creating a long-threatened consequence for being peace spoilers and state looters.

3. WHAT IS THE CHOICE FACING KENYA?

Kenya has a fundamental choice to make. Does it want to realize the economic goals for prosperity outlined in its Vision 2030 plan, the long-term development blueprint for the country and one which will make Nairobi the banking capital of East Africa?

Or do the government and banks here want to put the positive trajectory of the economy at risk by tolerating the illicit financial flows of South Sudan’s corrupt elite that will ultimately drive away investors and international banks?

Now is the time to fix it and to act to change the trend. Kenya can’t afford for the international business community to wonder whether it has become the next illicit financial hub, exploited by people like President Kiir and his commercial enablers.

4. WHAT ACTIONS CAN KENYA TAKE?

It’s vital that Kenyan banks and their regulators lead the way in implementing strict standards for anti-money laundering, anti-corruption, and sanctions enforcement to protect the country’s financial system from abuse by the violent kleptocrats and corrupt elite in South Sudan who pump their ill-gotten gains into Kenyan bank accounts and real estate holdings.

The U.S. is ramping up its use of the policy tools of financial pressure, including the particularly effective combination of network sanctions, which target not just an individual but their support systems of frontmen, enablers, and businesses, and anti-money laundering measures, such as those that warn the financial community of the risks posed by certain kinds of transactions or that require U.S. correspondent banks to terminate their relationships with foreign financial institutions of concern.

5. WHY WOULD A KENYA-U.S. PARTNERSHIP BE TIMELY?

Kenya needs to protect its financial sector from being penetrated by illicit financial flows, and the international community should support its efforts to do so.

Today we’re talking about a war criminal’s money, but tomorrow it could be terrorists. The U.S. and Kenya can work closely together on this shared agenda to ensure that South Sudan’s war criminals, state looters, and sanctioned officials must look elsewhere in order to hide their ill-gotten gains.

6. WHY IS TODAY’S VISIT IMPORTANT?

While many of the violent kleptocrats and their commercial enablers may have thought that they’ve won and successfully clung onto power while still doing business in U.S. dollars, I have someone that I want them to meet who thinks otherwise.

Treasury Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Sigal Mandelker, the top U.S. official in charge of financial sanctions, anti-money laundering, counter-terrorist financing, and protecting the U.S. financial system from a whole range of financial crimes, is making the first ever visit to Africa by someone in her position, and I’m so glad that she is here.

She’s a tough former prosecutor who led the U.S. Department of Justice’s teams in going after those responsible for committing human rights abuses, cyber crime, money laundering, and promoting U.S. national security and law enforcement priorities, and a strong advocate for using all of the legal authorities and financial tools at her disposal to impact the ability of President Kiir and his networks of commercial enablers to steal from their people.

Under Secretary Mandelker’s trip to Uganda, Kenya, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo this week raises the stakes for the violent kleptocrats and their corrupt elites who don’t believe that the United States will follow through on its threats of pressure, and for that I would personally like to say, “thank you.”
# # #

For media inquiries or interview requests, please contact: Greg Hittelman, +1 310-717-0606, gh@enoughproject.org.

About THE SENTRY

The Sentry is composed of financial forensic investigators, policy analysts, and regional experts who follow the dirty money and build investigative cases focusing on the corrupt transnational networks most responsible for Africa’s deadliest conflicts.

By creating a significant financial cost to these kleptocrats through network sanctions, anti-money laundering measures, prosecutions, and other tools, The Sentry aims to disrupt the profit incentives for mass atrocities and oppression, and creates new leverage in support of peace efforts and African frontline human rights defenders.

The Sentry’s partner, the Enough Project, undertakes high-level advocacy with policy-makers around the world as well as wide-reaching education campaigns by mobilizing students, faith-based groups, celebrities, and others. Co-founded by George Clooney and John Prendergast, The Sentry is an initiative of Not On Our Watch (NOOW) and the Enough Project. The Sentry currently focuses its work in South Sudan, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, and the Central African Republic.

In less than two years, The Sentry has created hard-hitting reports and converted extensive research into a large volume of dossiers on individuals and entities connected to grand corruption, violence, or serious human rights abuses.

The investigative team has turned those dossiers over to government regulatory and law enforcement agencies in the U.S. and around the world, as well as to compliance officers at the world’s largest banks.

Learn more at www.TheSentry.org.

The importance to acknolwledge the realities of contemporary South Sudan

BY: ELHAG PAUL, South Sudanese, JUN/13/2018, SSN;

Last week, an Equatoria girl produced a video in which she expressed her feelings against the Jieng tribe in South Sudan. The video can be accessed through: (video – 2018-06-03-07-11-27.mp4) for those who have a video converter facility. This video coincided with an article written by Agel Machar published in Paanlwel website titled: ‘Focus on SPLM reunification: Nuer–Dinka unity is paramount to national unity and stability’ (https://paanluelwel.com/2018/06/03/splm-unification-nuer-dinka-unity-is-paramount-to-national-unity-and-stability/)

This article seeks to drum up the unwritten unity of Jieng and Nuer as the basis for national peace and stability in the country. Surely unity between Jieng and Nuer can not be called a national thing as this is a project of two tribes only out of many others.

On the other hand, critics of the Equatorian girl deploy the word nationalism to dismiss her. It is important to note that the term nationalism can not be neatly applied into the context of South Sudan presently because South Sudan has several nationalities and nationality in South Sudan is fluid.

For nationalism to take hold in South Sudan it needs to be consciously engineered through application of policies that build things in the country the citizens can identify with to bring them together.

So in the context of South Sudan, the word patriotism fits better because it is all about love of one’s country.

The article of Agel Machar and the video of the Equatorian girl have attracted criticism across the board and rightly so. Patriots issued condemnations against these vile materials.

Machar’s article promotes upheaval and open discrimination while the Equatorian girl incites hatred. However, that said, it is vital to try to understand why these materials have surfaced in the public domain.

They did not come out of no where. Each perspective has a background to it and an ideology that sustains it.

So, in order to dismantle what sustains them, it demands careful observation and analysis of the acts and experiences of these actors (Agel Machar and the Equatorian girl).

It is no good to just condemn these personalities and their work without engaging and challenging them.

Now let us look at the work of these two persons. Machar, in a nutshell believes that the unity of the Jieng and Nuer with the sole purpose to rule is important for peace and stability in South Sudan.

He argues that the Jieng cannot afford to ignore the Nuer otherwise the management of the country and national affairs will continue to pose some serious challenges to the Jieng.

This view is neither new nor untested. Right from the inception of the SPLM regardless of the violent relationship between the Jieng and Nuer, the leaders of both ethnicities are agreed to rule South Sudan without the participation of the other tribes.

In other words, it is an agreement to marginalise the other South Sudanese tribes using force.

It is an open secret that late Dr John Garang De Mabior, the then leader of SPLM and late William Nyoun and Dr Riek Machar entered into an undeclared, unwritten and unspoken contract that specifically binds them to a unity whose sole purpose is dominance of politics in South Sudan.

They wrongly believed that as large tribes they can dominate South Sudan for a long time.

The need for this kind of unity was born out of the events of Kokora that saw Southern Region of the Sudan divided into three regions following the reaction of Equatorians to Mr Abel Alier’s tribal misrule of the 1970s.

However, what Garang, Nyoun and Machar overlooked is that numerical majority is not an automatic ticket to rule.

The Jieng and Nuer must learn from the history of Sudan itself that their majority did not allow them to rule the Sudan.

Further they need to draw a lesson from Rwanda where the majority Hutu with almost 90 percent of the population are ruled by a tiny minority of Tutsi who make less than 7 percent of the population.

The evidence of this Jieng and Nuer compact has since the inception of the SPLM been shown in the structures of the movement and later on in the structures of South Sudan government.

For example, the leader of the SPLM has always been a Jieng deputised by a Nuer. The leadership of the army too deliberately is dominated by the two tribes with the bulk of the fighting force coming from the two tribes.

When William Nyoun rebelled he was replaced by Salva Kiir and when Riek Machar returned to the fold after re-defecting from Khartoum, he took James Wani Igga’s position of the Vice Chairman in the SPLM with Igga being kicked into the long grass.

After the death of Garang, Riek Machar became Vice president to a Jieng.

When Riek was pushed out in December 2013, Igga was brought in temporarily to warm the seat for the return of Machar in early 2016 following the signing of ARCSS in August 2015.

When Riek Machar was again pushed out in July 2016, Taban Deng Gai took over. So this undeclared, unwritten and unspoken compact is a visible reality that is observable to any keen follower of South Sudan politics.

This compact is responsible for all the chaos going on in the country simply because its intention is limited to the need o dominate and discriminate against the other tribes of South Sudan.

Sadly, the downside of it has seen the Nuer, a willing partner paying heavily with destruction of its own society in all areas of life. The Nuer have become victims of ethnic cleansing.

The system they supported out of this unity turned them against each other: Nuer on Nuer violence fanned continuously by the Jieng who at the same time woo them as partners in this relationship of doom.

At the current rate of destruction going on in Nuer land/territories the result of this undeclared, unwritten and unspoken unity, may lead to an unfortunate reality where in the next decade the Nuer may drastically be reduced in population.

The Jieng buoyed by their persistent destruction of the Nuer have adopted this method as their modus operandi. They are now applying it throughout the country on the other ethnicities.

So, Agel Machar being an educated Jieng knows the benefit of this compact to the Jieng and hence his article promoting it.

It is the leaders of the Nuer including Riek Machar who for whatever reasons fail to see that this so-called unity between Jieng and Nuer does not serve or benefit the Nuer.

With all the evidence of the destruction of the Nuer, the Nuer leaders continue to invest in this foolery.

Knowing our politics, some people are going to say ‘No! Riek Machar is not involved.’ They will claim that Riek is being victimised.

To put such arguments to rest, any doubting Thomas should look at the proposal of SPLM-IO for power and wealth sharing whose principles feature in the ‘Bridging proposal’ of IGAD.

Unpack this proposal and what you can find is a perspective of Jieng and Nuer unity as a source of peace in the country which the international community unfortunately has bought whole sale.

Note that the product of this unity of Jieng and Nuer is the very source of the current chaos and destruction visited on the country.

I do not need to mention the horrific things taking place in the country as they are now common knowledge to every South Sudanese with the international community pretending to be blind while heavily involved in covering up the stench.

The individual experience of the brutal tribal government is so hurtful as to produce people like the Equatorian girl in the video. She is articulating her pains and expressing genuine feelings born out of painful experiences.

She is representing a huge section of South Sudanese who have been abused, brutalised and humiliated in various ways in their own homes for no good reasons at all.

To dismiss her feelings by calling her a hate monger or so is to alienate all those who share her pain.

It is here that the dictum: all politics is local and personal must be taken seriously.

Thus it is important to acknowledge her pain but then explain to her that to solve the problem is to look at the bigger picture and not to generalise, because obviously not all the Jieng are bad.

She needs to be better than the tribalists. By doing this, the consciousness of aggrieved South Sudanese will be raised and it will also de-frame the ideology of supremacy and domination in a practical way which in turn will stop the need to revenge.

However, to just condemn it in the name of political correctness is to sweep these painful experiences under the carpet and hope that they will go away.

This misses the whole point, because the battle the people of South Sudan are engaged in is to ensure that the current system is uprooted from its roots.

Political correctness can not be helpful without acknowledgement of the truth and realities the country faces.

In order to win over people, it is more productive to do it by persuasion and reason and not by sheer dismissal and condemnation.

If we indulge in dismissing and condemning the victims of the current regime which include us, we do not only run the risk of being seen as connivers but the real danger of becoming oppressors of the very oppressed people we purport to fight to liberate.

We want to liberate our people like the Equatorian girl in the video from the tribal system of Juba as well as from ignorance.

We should educate her to know that she has a right to express her truth but she also needs to preserve her humanity and not let herself be propelled to barbarity.

We should educate her that it is ideology like the one promoted by Agel Machar that are responsible for her pain and the pain of many other South Sudanese.

So if you watch carefully the video of the Equatorian girl and the article of Agel Machar is the continuation of the fight between the tribal regime and the people of South Sudan in a different form.

This conflict eventually will produce a middle position which acknowledges the principle of common good for which all responsible and caring South Sudanese stand for.

In conclusion, care should be exercised when dealing with people expressing their pain. Tolerance and the raising of consciousness must be the route to bring the abused and brutalised back into the fold of humanity.

Dismissal and condemnation for the sake of political correctness will not cut it. A spade must be called a spade.

Equally, those promoting divisive and destructive ideologies like Agel Machar should be confronted and challenged robustly to expose their ill intentions for the country.

[Truth hurts but it is also liberating]

Elhag Paul
elhagpaul@aol.com
@elhagpaul

Backdoor Peace Deals & the collimate rise of Promising Youthful Politicians

BY: Simon Yel Yel, Juba, JUN/13/2018, SSN;

No sane person can condemn the government or Gen. Akol Koor for reaching the peace deal with inconsequential members of the SS-UF. This is not to say that the government dreads to confront the twonk Gen. Malong militarily in the battle field if he chooses so.

It is because the government had already decided (since the genesis of this war) to take the path of peace to salvage the country from this infinite crisis by giving out government positions to whomever has rebelled if that can make them cease from killing the innocent South Sudanese people.

This is why Gen. Akol has reached this peace deal with SS-UF break-away group of Lino Ajang Ajang.

Frankly speaking, there is not a lucid person who has witnessed these destitutions and destructions brought upon this country by the ongoing senseless war who’s ready again to be lured by the discombobulated Malong into killing JUNUBIIN under the pretent of ‘arresting the carnage’.

That is why Ajang has led this exodus of a few hundreds if not thousands youth and some elders to Juba. Their exit confirms that they want peace.

Though Malong pretended to negate Ajang’s importance to the movement by rhetorically disparaging him with all evil terms at his disposal in the press release he signed, his dearest private wish could be that for a divine thunderbolt to reduce his once poster boy into a pile of ashes.

In fact, Malong is still mourning for losing Ajang to Gen. Akol. With the return of Ajang and many others, the self-praising lion (SS-UF) roar will soon turn into a disappointing meow. No strength to roar again.

Ajang is gone! I can now bet without fear. Most of his members will come to Juba while carrying their parts of SS-UF on their heads.

Make no mistake about it. Ustaz Ajang Ajang won’t be the last person from Awiel youth who are currently following Malong to realize that the Malong’s SS-UF is an ideologically barren organization with no political clout and hence can’t be an alternative for effecting any changes in this country.

This is because SS-UF is a motley military desperados, political opportunists, and power-hungry politicians. It has no ideological raison d’être for existence rather than a vehicle for seeking to share government positions.

To say the least, its establishment is a Hail Mary to bargain for government positions. It is not to topple Salva Kiir’s regime.

There is an emerging clique of promising youthful politicians in our country to which Ajang belongs. This group pasquinades the good name of Youth. They are an embodiment of political harlotry and sycophancy in our country.

I’m talking about the likes of Agel Riing Machar, Albino Bol Dhieu, Gordon Buay Malek, and Mabior Garang Mabior. If not all of them, then most of them are products of our unfortunate politics of rebellion and back-door peace deals. However, they are little men to be watched.

Let me start with Ajang. Once upon a time he was the most popular youthful politician in the country. A few months later, his political ambition appears to be in rigour mortis after he lost the Presidency of the National Youth Union which he claimed to have been robbed from him.

Apparently lying in tatters, he decided to rebel against the government. His adversaries were celebrating that he has worn the accoutrements of a person doomed to failure.

Yet here he is again, a few weeks later, appearing in his best suit at the country’s top airport coming to implement the peace deal he negotiated and signed with the security tsar.

Luckily, his deal appears to be more lucrative and densely loaded with many goodies than Agel’s. I am talking about the goodies it contains, for instance, the three ministerial positions in three states in Barh El Ghazal region, etc.

However, the misery of this deal is that there is no expiry date stamped on those goodies. The question on whether these goodies are real and eatable rests on the speed of implementation of this deal in the first two months.

He may, like Brigadier General Lul Ruai, risk everything and fail. I am talking about the spectacular failure of Lul’s movement for the greater Akobo people.

He may, like FVP Gen. Taban Deng, come through being dismissed as derisory and climb at last to the top of the sebaceous pole and turn this chimera and herculean mission into a practically doable mission.

We have no idea what will happen tomorrow, and that is one reason why he is a force to reckon with and to watch.

Ajang is a tactician and perilously scheming political ninja with posters of Chairman Mao and Machiavelli on his face. He is precise and capable of making complex decisions.

His cheerful charisma has meant that he always been able to attract camp-followers. No wonder that is the reason some people from both political divides can’t bear him and are desperate to find ways of discrediting him as a political opportunist and unwanted concubine.

Ajang earned his epaulettes when he was the President of Juba University Students’ Union. He indubitably demonstrated his leadership abilities and superior intellect in the Union office.

Owing to his unquestionable abilities, proven tenacity and splendid ideas, Ajang decided to run for the Presidency of the National Youth Union in 2015.

It is worth mentioning that he has cut an image as Malong’s poster boy among his peers. The most noticeable difference between him and his peers is that, he doesn’t throw bombs or speak haphazardly. He has no rhetoric of his peers.

There are some surface-level similarities between Ajang and his friend Mr. Agel Riing; however, there are also extremely glaring dissimilarities. Ajang has no insolence and ruthlessness of Agel.

The quisling Agel is a go-getter who goes against the grain to guarantee his own political survival and relevance; while Ajang believes in being given.

He is an egomaniacal introvert who believes that he is always right. To jog your memory, every line in the backdoor peace deal he reached with Gen. Akol in 2016 starts with “I” and ends with “only me.”

This explains the reason why he singlehandedly came alone to Juba. He doesn’t command any following.

He is politically amoral and immoral creature. He is an exemplary impetuous opportunist and quintessence of the political avaritia that has swallowed our country.

He is such a beefy telegenic gentleman who loves the cameras and television shows that he feeds with rhetoric. That is the spokesman of the FVP in a capsule.

Unlike the toothy grin Ajang or the knavish Agel, the cagy Albino Bol is considered by his peers to be the regime’s blue-eyed boy. That is another way of saying that he is more Muslim than Prophet Mohammed in term of how much he supports the government in relation to Micheal Makuei Lueth, if that is possible.

He has a visceral repugnance for whoever opposes him and the government. His name calls forth a good-boy foaming at the mouth with microphone in hand. He is certifiably wordsmith. His critics say he is a serial perfidious like Judas.

With his coruscating wit and incomparable oratory, you may be tempted to think that he is a philosopher of our generation.

Unlike the one-foot amputee Prof Adwok Nyaba, the President of National Youth Union has never rebelled. He is cutting an image as the darling of the establishment.

As for Ambassador Gordon Buay, the less said the better. The former rebel General is the number two diplomat in South Sudanese embassy in Washington. Though he is not a cartoon, he could be one as a living creature can be. He is entirely inarticulate and rambunctious. However, the spite he spits causes his enemies sleepless night.

We may guess alike either the son of the former SPLA fighter is a virtuosic bloviator or a rented filthy mouth. He incarnates what the government supporters want and don’t. He charms them with the same magnitude he daunts them.

To remind you, the backdoor peace deal which brought him to the government was negotiated and signed without the involvement of the IGAD and TROIKA. It is one of the living examples of the successful backdoor peace deals.

The former rebel spokesman and once self-declared President of South Sudan in 2011 on YouTube is cutting an image as a born again nationalist who is ready to die on Facebook front line.

Incontestably, he is the moral boosting chief propagandist. He bravely commands Facebook Division.

With all these, he is a regime’s diplomatic sabre rattler with a squirt gun in his hand in Washington.

There is another person. I am taking about the rambling Mabior Garang Mabior. He is first born son of the former SPLA/M leader. This creature has turned the name of his father into a badge of honor to brag about.

He thinks he will infinitely use his father name as a passport and shield to protect and sail him to any political destination he wants.

Every year Mabior confirms that he is the only stranger in Jerusalem. He is Riek’s loyal foot soldier who can’t change his mind comes high water.

The old adage is true here, it goes like this; “only fools and dead men don’t change their minds.” Therefore, Mabior can either be a fool that has never existed or a dead-walking man of the 21st century.

Like his sorry physique, Mabior has no kind words for his detractors. He believes Dr. Riek is the only right man to govern South Sudan. Anything less than that, he would rather die in the opposition fighting for Riek.

You can easily misidentify him for an outlawed drug aficionado or a financially stranded DJ who couldn’t afford to buy a hair lotion and rub it on his unkempt dreadlock hair.

I can assure you, with one minute glance at him, you will construe that there is nothing political and futuristic in his physique and character. But he has written history you know! He was the youngest South Sudanese minister in 2016.

His heart is two-thirdly and one-thirdly stolen by the drugs and politics respectively. To him, women are tertiary needs and possibly could be insignificant. That is why the rumors have it that he is currently still unmarried while he is approaching forty years.

To describe these youthful politicians wholesomely, they are political little men in a rush who are too desirous to catch up with big men by all means. To say the least, the philosophical apophthegm of Mr. Alexander Eichener, “for a hyena, a bone is just a bone; no matter whether it lies in the bush, near the pit latrine, or in the vegetable garden of a white man. It is still a bone” accurately fits the bill of their misbegotten political philosophy.

What disturbs me is seeing them committing some fouls when consummating the politics of genuflexion and obsequiousness to ensure their personal interests are met.

Let me say this before I conclude. General Akol Koor is a good and honorable man by all measures. The peace deals he reached with Agel Riing and Ajang Ajang speak volume.

He is a man who loves peace. He loves the country to prosper too. I don’t care about what performances of his successors would be later, but I know he will top them.

Don’t accuse me of typographical error and flattery. The truth is: Gen. Akol is not like the late Khartoum’s Ibrahim Shamsaddin or Salah Abdallah Gosh, the current Director General for National Intelligence & Security Service, or even closer to Major Bob Astles, the former head of murderous State Research Bureau during the regime of former Ugandan President late Gen. Idi Amin.

Gen. Akol values human life. He doesn’t kill. And if you deny, then tell me the names of politicians or any political activist he has jailed and killed?

If none, then come to me and I will tell you the names of politicians and political activists that were supposed to be buried six feet under the ground long time ago if he were really as bad as Salah Gosh.

Gen. Akol has human proclivity that sinners and offenders are not ought to be killed, but transformed and readmitted into the society. He believes that peace can only come if we forgive ourselves and allow the freedom of expression of our diverging views without intimidation.

That is why he is now making peace deals with political dissidents.

Can you imagine with me how many people would have been exiled, jailed and possibly prosecuted if he had fully implemented the controversial security act? Hundreds of people, right? But zilch.

Don’t say that I am living in Mars. I am living in Juba. The assertion that unknown gunman is a subterfuge of the Internal Security Bureau is an obloquy by any standard and is as nonsense as the narrative that the President Kiir had planned to kill Dr. Riek in J1 failed coup attempt on 8th July 2016.

No an iota of truth in it. No spy agency/secret police in any country that kills people in that deception form.

I will end where I began. The return of Ajang Ajang with some members of the SS-UF to Juba in a backdoor peace deal negotiated and signed by Gen. Akol is a hot slap in the faces of warmongers.

It is a live evident that Gen. Akol wants peace and in the same note, it rebuts the fabrications that Gen. Akol has a political vendetta with Malong and his dismal was pushed by him.

Methinks Gen. Akol should extend this olive branch to other rebel groups. For him to succeed in this, my noggin tells me that he has to implement this deal at hand in a good faith so that it serves as example that Gen. Akol makes, implements, and keeps peace deals.

This will motivate whoever wants to make a backdoor peace deal with the government.

I am not delusional; some rebel commanders in the bush can easily reach a backdoor peace deal with the government if there is such a window opening. I support such backdoor peace deal not because it is the manna from heaven that will rain the desired everlasting peace on us, but because I have no hope in IGAD bringing an everlasting peace to South Sudanese.

And if such a deal can somehow alleviate our suffering though it may not bring a complete peace, why not giving it an experimental trial?

Disclaimer: I don’t hold brief for Gen. Akol or anyone of these promising youthful politicians on this. As a citizen of this country, I felt that I should share my independent thoughts and feelings with my fellow citizens.

Mr. Simon Yel Yel is reachable via simonyel2017@gmail.com or via 0914474471

Statement by South Sudanese Community Leaders in the UK on IGAD Peace Talks

To:
H.E President Paul Kagame, Chairperson of the African Union
The President, UN Security Council
IGAD-Plus, C/o H.E Abiy Ahmed Ali, Prime Minister of Federal Democratic Republic of
Ethiopia
TROIKA (US, UK, and Norway)
H.E. Antonio Guterres, UN Secretary General

05th June 2018
The South Sudanese community leaders in the UK, representing (the Equatoria region more
than 30 ethnic/tribal groups, Western Bahar el Gazal State (Fertit) more than 8 ethnic/tribal
groups and the Shiluk/Chollo) have received the “Bridging Proposal” by IGAD following the
recently concluded phase of High Level Revitalisation Forum in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

We express our deepest disappointment of the proposal, as it does not reflect the interest of the people of South Sudan in achieving a just and sustainable peace in the country.

The IGAD’s Bridging Proposal ignored the root causes to the conflict in South Sudan.

After carefully analysing the proposal, we have concluded that IGAD ignored the views of the other parties, which it initially requested them to consult with the people.

To our surprise, the proposal had mainly reflected the views of the Government of South Sudan and it ignored the voice of the suffering people of South Sudan.

Therefore, we call upon the international community and people of goodwill to stand with the
people of South Sudan rather than the Government, which is the cause of the people’s suffering.

The above stated proposal by IGAD, has reinforced the lack of trust we have in its ability to mediate the conflict in South Sudan in order to realise a sustainable peace.

Hence, we call upon IGAD to pass the responsibility for the mediation of the conflict to the African Union, the United Nations and the Troika (The United States of America, The United Kingdom and Norway).

We also call upon the TROIKA and the international community to review its support to IGAD in relation to the peace process in South Sudan.

We request the inclusion of the diaspora in future peace talks, as we feel that our views which
we intent to channel into the peace process were not taken into account.

** Federico Awi Vuni — Chair, Equatorian Community in the UK.

** Karlo Kwol Akol, Representative, Chollo (Shilluk) Community in the UK.

** Peter Gaere, For Western Bahar El Gazal (Fertit) Community in the UK.

For correspondence: Mr. Federico Awi Vuni; Email: federicovuni58@gmail.com