Archive for: December 2017

The IGAD-led High Level Revitalization Forum & Its Prospects

BY: Buomkuoth Gatkuoth Yer , USA, DEC/29/2017, SSN;

Between the 18th and the 22nd of December 2017, the East African regional bloc, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), convened what it calls the High-Level Revitalization Form with the intention to revitalize the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCiSS) signed in Addis Ababa in August 2015.

A cessation of hostilities agreement was signed as a result. In February 2018, negotiations on governance, security arrangement, and economy shall follow.

The relevant question to ask is how many people genuinely believe that the high-level revitalization forum will succeed?

In my view, the IGAD-led high-level revitalization forum is destined to disappoint. Experience shows that whenever you have two parties and one is not ready to commit fully to make things work, the relationship is bound to fail.

Much the same as in marriage, if a spouse isn’t willing to completely focus on the relationship, regardless of how hard the other spouse tries to make it work, it simply won’t work.

The circumstance even gets aggravated if there is no impartial outsider to intervene reasonably. And despite how much effort one party puts in to influence the situation, the procedure is destined to disappoint.

As we are all well aware of, since the beginning of the first peace process, the government has not been committed to bringing peace to the people of South Sudan.

It has violated all cessation of hostilities from the beginning of the peace process until it decided to kill the agreement completely on July 8, 2016, by trying to assassinate the Chairman and the whole leadership of the SPLM-IO.

Yet IGAD not only stood by and allowed the agreement to be violated, but they also helped in violating by endorsing the candidates of the illegitimate 1st vice president and by isolating and confining the Chairman, Dr. Riek Machar, in South Africa.

Thereby, they ensured the government could pursue its destructive campaign against the innocent population of South Sudan on the pretext that it was pursuing peace.

With such a situation created by the government and endorsed by the IGAD, the SPLM-IO has no other choice but to defend its people from the tyrannical regime of Savla Kiir.

Since the beginning of this new process, the government has continued with its old policy of signing a cessation of hostilities in Addis Ababa, and then on the ground, it is continuing with its destructive campaign against the civil population since 23rd December 2017, and has particularly carried out several attacks in Unity State and the Bangalo area of Mundri West in the Western Equatoria region.

These are just a few examples that the government is continuing the same policy since 2014, yet IGAD has maintained its silence on the murder of innocent civilians in South Sudan.

Since 2014, IGAD has failed to bring a lasting peace in South Sudan. It has also failed to hold the government accountable for its actions in the past, and it will continue to do so in the future.

IGAD has failed. It is evidently clear that IGAD has chosen sides in this conflict.

As we are all aware of, Uganda, which is part of IGAD, has been supplying the regime in Juba with arms and ammunition and sending troops to fight alongside the government and now even Ethiopia, which has mostly been neutral since the beginning of this conflict, is believed to have aided the government in the recent fighting that took place in Pagak.

IGAD has been silent about every violation of the agreement that was signed in Addis Ababa and has been silent about the root causes of this conflict.

Therefore, we can’t trust IGAD countries to be neutral or to hold parties to the conflict responsible for their actions.

We believe IGAD is not the right body to mediate the peace process.

We, the Youth of South Sudan, are fully aware that peace could only come from us, but we ask the international community to help us bring peace to our country by transferring the peace process to a neutral and credible third-party, preferably the United Nations, and by releasing the Chairman of SPLM-IO, Dr. Riek Machar, before the next phase of talks begin in February next year.

Buomkuoth gatkuoth

Administrative Corruption, Nepotism, Injustice and Discrimination in South Sudan

BY: Hüstin Läkü, USA, DEC/2017, SSN;

This paper discusses military, police, prison, customs, wildlife, foreign services officers and public servants promotions, assignments and deployments system in South Sudan. The paper argues that since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA 2005-2011) and Post-Referendum eras, promotions, assignments, deployments, recruitments, hiring and rehiring of organized force personnel, foreign services officers and public servants lack fairness, transparency and equity.

This is one of the many reasons that led the country into this current political and humanitarian crises as well as the culture of killings, rape of young girls, boys, women, and aid workers, land grabbing, looting of civilians’ properties with impunity, because Kiir, Gen. Malong, Gen. Achuil Tito and Jieng council of elders assigned and promoted illiterate, unqualified, incompetent, untrained, and inexperienced close relatives, son-in-laws, daughter-in-laws, and tribesmen/women in important and sensitive government institutions to run these government offices as Animal Farms.

The culture of discrimination, injustice, unpunished crimes committed by SPLA soldiers, killing, rape and land grabbing of non-Dinka in their areas, dated back to the liberation time and it is not something that started under Kiir, but during the liberation era.

It is said that the SPLM commanders and leaders brainwashed many young persons whom they recruited to ignore the ethnics of their culture all in the name of freedom from Khartoum.

An independent eye witness recalled one of the commanders in the Rumbek area who started attacking unarmed civilians even though he fully knew it ran against the ethnics of the Dinka law never to slay an unarmed person and similar events of Rumbek are been repeated in the independent South Sudan.

Kiir has just perpetuated it and developed it to high level with the support of the unpopular Dinka militia groups known as Mathiang Aynor, Gelweng and Dothubany.

Further, it argues that the current dysfunctional state of affairs in South Sudan is clear evidence of a mess created by Kiir, Jieng council of elders (JCE), Mathiang Aynor, Gelweng and Dothubany.

Finally, it sheds light on study carried out from June to December 2017. As this is work in progress, the study faced some limitations in accessing complete data on some individual officers and foreign services officers.

The study shows that, there are injustices, discriminations, and lack of fairness and equity in recruitments, hiring, rehiring, promotions, assignments, and deployments of non-Dinka in government institutions. The paper offers concrete way forward and it commences with promotions, recruitments, hiring and rehiring policy in the Post-CPA and Referendum periods.

Only a year or two after the CPA came into effect, Gurtong online newspaper has published an article on the unfair distribution of positions in the Ministry of Justice under Michael Makuei. Gurtong made it very clear that, there was a dominance of Dinka in all Southern Sudan government institutions as well as organized forces.

Therefore, knowledge of this has been going on for a long time, but nothing was done or taken seriously by the international donors, African Union (AU) and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). The fear of dominance by the Dinka in the liberation movement was clear in the proposals of federalism coming from 64 ethnic intellectuals.

In the Post-CPA period, the promotions, recruitments, hiring, rehiring policy was designed to favor SPLA/M cadres of two ethnicities of Dinka and Nuer. Within SPLA/M non-Dinka cadres were deliberately deprived of promotions, deployments and assignments and most were placed on non-active lists, while their Dinka cohorts were promoted to high ranks and assigned to lead important and sensitive organized forces departments in non-Dinka states.

Dinka government in Juba is using similar tactics of former Sudan – suppressing opponents specially Equatorians, the fathers of federalism and Kokora…. It is payback time!

Below are some examples to illustrate administrative corruption, nepotism, discrimination and injustice against non-Dinka in organized forces, foreign services and public services. This same discriminatory policy under the Khartoum era that is, promoting northerners in higher military and public services positions over competent southerners is what led in part to the mutinies and liberation wars of 1956 and 1983.

Hence no surprise what occurred in the South. Same discriminatory patterns prevailed. The 2016 South Sudan Police Service promotions process was planned, and doctored at Gen. Achuil Tito’s, Chief of South Sudan Police, residence in Juba.

Maj. Gen. Salah Samsona was born in Juba, and citizen of Central Equatoria State (CES). Gen. Samsona is a graduate of a Conflict Resolution program and School of Management, school of law, Omduraman Al-Ahlia Universities (OAU) and Sudanese Police Academy.

Gen. Samsona was forced into early retirement and placed on non-active list, while illiterate Majak Akec Malok without formal education and police training was promoted three times in a short period of time from Colonel to Brigadier, Major General, finally to Lt. General and assigned as Director of Nationality, Passports, and Immigration.

On the other hand, highly qualified, experienced, competent, well trained and skillful non-Dinka officers who held similar positions in the former Sudan’s Directorate of Nationality, Passports and Immigration were either demoted, deprived of promotions, assignments and deployments or placed on non-active list.

Moreover, Gen. Salah Samsona is same cohort 47 as Lt. Gen. Syed Chawul Lom. Both officers worked in Khartoum for many years where Gen. Chawul was dismissed three times for breach of police work ethics and conflict of interest.

During the CPA period, both Generals were reinstated into South Sudan police services, and Gen. Chawul was promoted to rank of Chief of police while Gen. Samsona with a strong academic background in policing, law, conflict resolution and management and experience, was placed on non-active list (see the 2005-2016 South Sudan Police Service Promotion Lists).

Atem Marol is citizen of Jonglei State, SPLA soldier with no knowledge and experience and skills in policing. As a result of administrative corruption and nepotism Gen. Achuil promoted Marol to Major General and assigned him as Dean of South Sudan Police College in Rajaf, to replace Major General Martin Wani.

Gen. Wani is well qualified, experienced, professional Sudan Police Academy with many graduate and post graduate degrees in policing, security and legal studies.

These practices of Kiir’s government explain why South Sudan Police system is not efficient, and corrupt and the police are using color of their authorities to kill, terrorize, rape, and arrest non-Dinka and detain them at South Sudan National Security (SSNS).

The current detainees at the SSNS are all non-Dinka mostly from Equatoria States and there is no one detainee from Kiir’s home State of Warrap and JCE States (See detainees list of period of 2015-2017).

Maj.Gen. Rhabi E. Mujung was born in Juba, and citizen of (CES). Gen. Mujung is a graduate of School of Sciences Management with emphasis in Business, University of Juba, South Sudan; Sudanese Military Academy; the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst (RMAS) in London, U.K. Gen.

Mujung was a classmate and roommate of King Abdullah II of Jordan. He holds Certificates and Diplomas in Standard Military Course (SMC), and Regular Career Course (RCC) and Certificate in senior military Command and Leadership from the US-African Strategic Research Centre.

Gen. Mujung is well-respected senior military officer who commanded several fronts during the war of liberation and by far is the most qualified, experienced and skillful SPLA officer, but as a non-Dinka he was deprived of promotions and benefits such as vehicle and others for over 10 years, even though he is an SPLA officer who fought in Southern and Eastern Sudan bushes, while illiterate Paul Malong without formal education and military training was promoted to Lt. General and Chief of Staff of SPLA to preside over qualified, competent, experienced, skillful and senior non Dinka Officers (The 2005-2017 SPLA Promotions List).

Brigadier Joseph Kornelio is a citizen of Western Bahr Al-Ghazal and member of Fertit ethnic group. Brig. Kornelio is a graduate of Sudanese Military Academy 1978, cohort 27. Brigadier Kornelio is very senior and highly qualified having the rank of Brigadier, this is an example of a non-Dinka highly qualified, but reinstated at lower rank despite his extensive and outstanding military career experience.

Similarly Col. Juwang Taktak, is a member of Murle ethnic group. Col. Taktak is a graduate of Sudanese Military Academy in Khartoum in 1988/cohort 38. Col. Taktak was reinstated at the rank of Colonel, this is another example of discrimination.

Brigadier. Oben George, is a citizen of Upper Nile State and member of Shilluk ethnic group. Brig. George is a graduate of Sudanese Military Academy in Khartoum in 1981/cohort 30.

Brigadier. Obour Chol, is a citizen of Upper Nile State and member of Shilluk ethnic group. Brig. Chol is a graduate of Sudanese Military Academy in 1981/cohort 30.

Both Brigadiers George and Chol are very senior, highly qualified officers than both Paul Malong and James Ajongo, the current Chief of Staff. Both Malong and Ajongo experiences and academic backgrounds cannot match the two Brigadiers’ experiences and skills and will never come close to these non-Dinka senior officers.

But the worst case of all is William Philip Subek. Officer Subek is a citizen of Central Equatoria State. Officer Subek is a graduate of Sudanese Military Academy, reinstated in the organized forces in South Sudan, then demoted to rank of Sergeant, while his Dinka cohorts and illiterate Paul Malong and others such as Gordon Buay were promoted to full Generals, assigned and posted to D.C., as Deputy Head of Mission. Buay holds B.A., in legal studies from Carleton University in Canada, and never had any professional job in Canada nor a one-day military training.

Both Dr. James Alphonse and Dr. Lado Luate are citizens of CES, and graduates of School of medicine and Sudanese Military Academy. Both Doctors were placed on the non-active list without assignments in the country though there is a need of well qualified and experienced medical doctors.

Dr. Alphonse and Dr. Luate’s junior Dinka officers were assigned to take charge and be responsible in the military hospital in Juba. For further details about discrimination and injustice within the organized forces, please, consult the attached promotion lists.

Similarly, most of public service senior positions are filled in by unqualified Dinka and well-trained and competent non-Dinka lawyers and judges are either fired for no legal reasons, deprived of promotions and assignments.

Dr. Sam Taban, citizen of (CES). He holds Ph.D., in International Law (I/L) from Poland and worked abroad for many years and returned to help rebuilding broken legal system in South Sudan. Dr. Taban returned to South Sudan and joined Ministry of legal Affairs in 2011 and dismissed early this year 2017.

Justice Jeremiah Swaka, is a citizen of CES. Justice Swaka holds LLM, and law Degrees from University of Khartoum, and M.A., in Conflict Resolutions from University of Juba. Justice Swaka was a senior judge in Southern Sudan in 1980s and Khartoum in 1990s as well as legal Advisor to Sudan Council of Churches in Khartoum in 2000s.

Like Dr. Taban and Dr. Gerey Raimondo, Justice Swaka was dismissed early this year for no reason. Unfortunately, their dismissal occurred in a time where broken legal system in the country requires their expertise.

Ambassador Francis F. Nazario is a citizen of Easter Equatoria State (EES), and a member of Acholi ethnic group. Amb. Nazario holds Ph.D., and M.A., in Political Sciences from France and B.A., from Khartoum University. Amb. Nazario was South Sudanese Deputy Head of Mission in New York, was fired and replaced by a cook helper related to Kirr.

To be fair, and to its credit, Juba regime in fact did promote some non-Dinka loyalists, political disciples of JCE, and other Judases of injustice to high ranks and senior political positions.

The overall tactics and strategy of loyalists’ promotions are to suppress their intuitions, silence and buy their hearts through appointments to conceal the regime’s rape of foreign aid workers, land grabbing crimes, killing campaign against farming communities in Equatoria states and other parts of the country.

The promotions and appointments of non-Dinka loyalists and political disciples of JCE are meaningless if injustice, discrimination, and administrative corruption, domestic terror campaigns and land grabbing still continue.

The regime placed political disciples of JCE in key positions in order to protect the regime’s national and international images, as well as to protect JCE interests in the non-Dinka States.

As John Isbister, the Canadian economist, argues in his book, ”Promises Not Kept, Poverty and the Betrayal in 3rd World Development,” the former colonial systems sent sons of African middle classes to study in the U.K., France, Belgium and Portugal and the purpose was to condition them and later send back to Africa in the Post-Independence era to replace colonial masters/mistresses and to protect the latter’s interests in Africa (Isbister, 2006).

However, the good news according to the African liberation bible is that, some loyalists have realized that the era of self-interests and personal gains are coming to an end and change of hearts is a must, and as a result they formed military resistance and political opposition groups to effect change in the country.

On another hand, some loyalists and political disciples of JCE still maintain their positions within the corrupt system as well as turned blind eye to injustice, discrimination, administrative corruption, inequality and the policy of Dinka tribal dominance Kiir’s regime in South Sudan.

Here is a list of some promoted loyalists in the CPA and Post-Referendum eras, both non-Dinka and Dinka and JCE political disciples who saw the point of Isbister’s arguments and realized they were being used to further the colonialists’ agenda and decided to form opposition against Juba regime:
Dr. Riek Machar,
Angelina Teny,
Gen. Thomas Cirillo,
Gov. Joseph Bakasoro,
Dr. Lam Akol,
Paul Malong and
Suzanne Jambo, former SPLM National Secretary for External Relations.

In e-mails exchange with diaspora members, Ms. Jambo had this to say:
Landi and the good reverend Andrew Henry, Nyatom et al,You guys are so tired of washing dishes and doing dirty manual work in Europe, USA etc… you think your best bet is an 11th hour wake up call to ‘keyboard unguided missiles throwing serve’ your nation after 15th Dec 2013.
If you google some of us, you will see our remarkable career history – some of us are here purely to serve our Nation. So please don’t slither and salivate over nothing. More is yet to come brethren!

Now the former loyalists are fighting the injustice, discrimination, promotion, assignment, and deployment deprivations policy of Juba regime.

The injustice, discrimination, promotion, assignment, and deployment deprivations also include non-Dinka officer graduates of Sudanese military, police, prison, customs and wildlife academies and universities who have served under the national government of former Sudan with competency, efficiency and effectiveness have been reinstated and integrated into South Sudan organized forces at lower ranks, while their peers of the same class were promoted to ranks as high as Major General, Lt. General, Director and Director General.

The integrity of these services and the morale of the officers are threatened by a situation where officers who have been active in duty have been left behind, whilst those who have been out of service for many years or even abroad are reinstated and promoted to high ranks and assigned in high positions.

The issues of promotion, assignment, deployment deprivations were addressed to President and the First South Sudanese Minister of Interior, late Alison Magaya many times, but all efforts yielded no positive results.

Additionally, there are no mechanisms for countering such injustices and any move to resolve is blocked by Dinka Chief of Police and the Minister as well as all complaints landed in the hands of Dinka.

Most of Dinka officers who were members of organized forces in the former Sudan and some have lived in the Western countries for many years with their knowledge of the organized forces system forgotten and out of date were reinstated, promoted, assigned high positions and deployed in important and sensitive organized forces Directorates; meanwhile, outstanding non-Dinka officers with excellent performance records, excellent academic credentials and strong experience are overlooked in promotions and deprived from constitutional rights as well as assignments and deployments.

Unfairness in the reinstatement and promotion process for the South Sudanese officers has demoralized the effectiveness of organized forces. An inequitable environment for job security and advancement in the service results in organized forces incompetence, inaction and corruption, rather than motivating officers to work hard to deter and prevent crime, such as the high rate of killings in Juba and other parts of South Sudan.

Officers have a right to ask why priority for reinstatement and promotion is being given to officers who spent many years abroad and promotions of one ethnicity of Dinka only.

Promotions, assignments, deployments, and postings are designed to serve interests and benefit of JCE members, while demotions and non-active list for non-Dinka especially, the Equatorians, Fertit groups and Nuer. Demotion, deprivation of promotions, assignments, deployments and disarming non-Dinka during Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Standards program (IDDRS) was a sign of one ethnicity hegemony and domination (See 2010-2011 Report of Lakes State Investigation Commission).

The Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Standards program (IDDRS) failed, because the Southern Sudan government plan under Kiir and JCE leadership was to disarmed non-Dinka only, armed Dinka and permit their cattle under security protections to graze in the land of farming communities in Equatoria State resulted in inter-communal conflicts. The policy of arming one ethnicity is the source of current violence, fighting and killings in Lakes region which left at least 170 dead. This is evidence of arming one ethnic group in Lakes, Warrap Northern Bhar Al-Ghazal and Jonglei against the others (Reuters News: December 12th, 2017).

For instance, below are some reasons why DDR failed in Southern Sudan.
Yet the participants from Wau and Aweil, who began the process [DDR] as late as mid-2010, appear equally ineligible. Instead, the verification process is flawed at multiple levels.
The verification problem persists today. Despite calls from the international community for better accountability, and with the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Commission (SSDDRC) apparently unwilling to challenge the SPLA on candidate selection, there remains no external, independent verification process. As a result, there are few disincentives for SPLA state commanders to falsify information or use the DDR programme as a kind of social service to assist selected individuals who have already returned to civilian life (Small Arm Survey, p.7&8, Number 17, May 2017).

The deprivation of promotion, assignment, and deployment study shows that, JCE nepotism, administration corruption, discrimination and inequality is targeting well qualified and trained, experienced, skillful and competent non-Dinks officers in all organized forces as well as across government institutions. For instance; the recent unfair dismissal of Mr. Avelino Andruga, Head Teacher of Rumbek National Secondary School is another targeted non-Dinka qualified public servant (Ministerial Order Number 32/2017, November 30th, 2017).

The purpose of this study is to help the international community, Troika, IGAD, AU and Members of Opposition negotiation teams with valuable and substantive evidence of discrimination, administrative corruption and injustice in the current security sectors, organized forces and public services in South Sudan. It is also clear that, the country was built on the dominance of one ethnic group-the Dinka to control administrative, economic, military and political powers. Furthermore, this may explain why Nuer were targeted in the senseless December 2013 senseless civil war, because Nuer is perceived as a threat to Dinka hegemony, defeats JCE Master Plan and now the system turns against federalist supporters-the Equatorians.

This current injustice and discrimination in South Sudanese organized forces and public service serve as catalyst for future instability and spoiler for peace agreement implementation, nation and state building, peace building, power sharing and power division unless injustice, discrimination and deliberate demotions of non-Dinka issue should be address and give full attention in the current peace revitalization talks in Addis.

The paper argues that, the current peace revitalization in progress is litmus test for the stakeholders to consider the following issues: SPLA and all organized forces should be dismantle and new ones should be establish and rebuild from bottom up, new system of recruitment should be establish and must be based on entrance exams and merits to avoid future political crisis as well as administrative corruption, nepotism, injustice and discrimination in public services and organized forces. As some in the international community such as Hilde Johnson believes firmly that, the current war grew out of apolitical crisis and turned ethnic (Johnson, 2016). My paper shows that is only part of the story. It also grows out of an ethnic crisis in which one group wishes to dominate all the 60 ethnic groups.

The way forward

The administrative corruption, injustice, demotion and deprivation of promotions, assignments, and deployments are deliberately planned under the JCE Master Plan (See The 2015 Dinka Development Plan (DDP)), and for South Sudan to move forward, the peace revitalization process must factor into future Peace talks and agreements the following:

Political system: urgency to draft New Federal Constitutions, and dissolve current parliament.
Requirement to be an M.P.: Minimum: High School Certificate.

Electoral Constituencies: Redrawing Electoral constituencies map base on population’s size.

Council of States (120 Members): Its Members should be elected and in an event of appointment by President, it’s members should be representatives of 66 ethnic group. For instance, each ethnic group should have 2 members in the Council of States
Requirement: Minimum: High School Certificate.

Security Sector: dismantle current SPLA, security organs and organized forces and rebuild and develop national South Sudanese Army Forces (SSAF), police, prison, customs, wildlife, and other security organs that reflect national character. Recruitment should be based on quotas system, entrance exams, medical fitness, background checks as well as merit. The mandate of SSAF is to defend the country and it’s Constitution. Police and other sectors are for internal security only.
Requirement: Minimum: High School Certificate.
Promotions: Should based on performances, medical fitness, practical and written exams.

Public Services Recruitment: should be based quotas system on the three regions.
Requirement: Minimum: High School Certificate

Foreign Services Recruitment: should be based on quotas system of the three regions.
Requirement: Minimum: University Degree, and M.A., and foreign languages is an assessed

Governance system: Should be based on Confederation of the three regions of Equatoria, Bahr Al-Ghazal and Upper Nile. The Confederation system should be based on a consultative constitutional forums to decide Confederation, but Swiss model of Confederation is the most suitable for South Sudan. The Constitution Review should be based on the South African process that lasted over 2 years.

Negotiators should make sure that element of revitalization of peace agreement must include SPLA and other security sectors restructuring and complete rebuilding new national organized forces, otherwise South Sudan will revisit ordeal of July 2016.

Stability of the country and peace agreement implementation will only hold when newly trained, qualified, experienced and competent personnel are recruited and composition of new South Sudan defense forces reflects representatives of 60 ethnicity.

South Sudan has 60 ethnic groups (The House of Nationalities,2002, p.19,&53) and it is not fair for groups such as Swiss peace, United States Institute of Peace (USIP), Chatham House UK based Think Tank and other INGOs that keep promoting one sided ethnic view on the current political crisis in South Sudan rather than promoting inclusiveness. Through their consultative meetings, conferences and interns programs. The current behavior and practices of these groups are helping Dinka hegemony and domination in the country.

This past summer of 2017, Swiss peace organization hosted conference on South Sudan and invited only members of one ethnic group to participated in the conference in Switzerland, similarly, USIP hosted two interns one is Dinka and Nuer for couple months in the U.S., and Chatham House hosted several consultative meetings on the current political situations, but only extended invitation to members of one ethnic group to represent the country. I do hope Swiss peace; USIP, Chatham and other groups will not transfer Juba regime’s unfairness policy to international space as well as refrain from promoting one ethnic group through their intern programs, conference, and consultative meetings and be on the right side of history.

In a nutshell, the mess South Sudan is in today and current political and humanitarian crisis are result of unfairness policy, the one ethnic group domination, control of administrative, economic, military and political powers, and administrative corruption, discrimination, injustice and nepotism.

Peoples of South Sudan fought successive Khartoum’s regimes, because of unfairness, injustice, inequality, favoritism, preferential treatments and discrimination in the old Sudan, and some of South Sudan military, Police, Prison, customs and wildlife officers are experiencing similar administrative corruption, injustice, inequality, nepotism, and discrimination, nepotism, favoritism and preferential treatments in the current South Sudanese system. Peace without justice and equality is not a peace, it is tribalism.

© Hüstin Läkü,Sr

Is a native South Sudanese, and educated in South Sudan, Sudan, Egypt, Germany and Switzerland. His current research topic Title: Evaluating South Sudan Governance: From Perspective of Federated Forms and/or Devolution. Moreover, Hüstin has lectured on Sudanese issues in the United States, Canadian universities, the Canadian military academy in Kingston, Rome, Berlin, Innsbruck, Geneva, London, Slovenia and Amsterdam. Hüstin is recipient of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr life time Dream keeper Award, and Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Model for Humanitarian. He speaks Arabic, French, and Deutsch and read and write Greek and Hebrew.

PRESS RELEASE: Statement on the High Level Revitalisation Forum (HLRF) by the Equatoria Community Organisation in the United Kingdom (ECO-UK)

Date: 21 December 2017:

The Leadership of Equatoria Community Organisation in the UK (ECO-UK) welcomes the commencement of the High Level Revitalization Forum (HLRF) aimed at reaching a sustainable peace in South Sudan. ECO-UK would like to thank the international partners; the IGAD, TROIKA, and the EU who are working tirelessly to enable the HLRF to succeed.

We urge all parties to HLRF to approach the peace talks with an open mind, flexibility, respect for each
stakeholder, and a spirit of inclusivity with the goal of reaching a peace agreement that is acceptable to all.

However, we note with concern the position paper of the Government of the Republic of South Sudan, which has a negative tone and portrays a sense of intransigence that is in sharp contrast to the attitude of the other parties to the talks.

It is in this context that we feel compelled to speak and point out some of the basic misconceptions in the Government position paper and its whole approach to the HLRF. These misconceptions include:–

1. Approach to the idea of “Revitalization”: Given the widely accepted view that implementation of the ARCSS (Agreement on Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan) has stalled, to put it mildly, one of the key stated aims of the HLRF is to revive and modify the Agreement to reflect current reality and help reverse its failure to stop the conflict in the country.

This entails “amendments of key elements of the ARCSS to reflect the current political and security challenges facing the country” as correctly stated by the TROIKA (17.12.2017). The Government of the Republic of South Sudan should not insist on “not renegotiating the ARCSS” if it is serious about bringing peace and alleviating the suffering of our people.

In order to breathe new life into the peace process, key elements of the agreement will need to be amended/renegotiated.

2. Veto: No one party should have a veto to the peace agreement/process. The international community should assess such a party carefully, and if its position is deemed to be unreasonable, then there must be consequences for that party.

The Government’s threats to derail the process should be assessed in that context.

3. Participation: In a further indication of its lack of seriousness, the Government has included in its delegation individuals who have been sanctioned for their well-evidenced role in obstructing peace in the country. We hope that this is not an expression of the Government’s intentions towards the success of the HLRF.

4. Parallel Initiatives: All parallel initiatives by the Government are a distraction to achieving real peace and a deliberate strategy to deflect attention from the total failure to bring peace to, and govern, the country. These include: the national dialogue, unification of SPLM, the creation of 32 states in the country.

The ONLY way to achieve peace is through an internationally supervised and independent peace process involving all stakeholders – not through processes spearheaded by a Government that has been shown, time and again, to
be targeting and callously killing its own innocent citizens.

5. Failed Government: The Government’s claims to legitimacy are tenuous, to say the least, and totally unjustified. It has long since discarded the rule of law and constitutional legitimacy, given that ARCSS has collapsed in all but name.

The Government has failed and deliberately sabotaged the ARCSS; it has failed to govern the country; it has failed the people of South Sudan and it is responsible for the worst humanitarian catastrophe on earth.

A government that does not care about the suffering of its people and has wrecked the economy does not deserve to remain in power. Moreover, without the principal peace partner since July 2016, the current transitional government is illegitimate and it has retained power through the use of brutal military force.

Therefore, it should give way to a new inclusive transitional national government that will make a fresh start and bring much needed hope to the people of South Sudan.

Federico Vuni
Chairman, ECO-UK
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Juba Nuer Massacre and other Massacres like It: Need for accountability

BY: J. Nguen, DEC/19/2017, SSN;

This brief excerpt discusses the Juba Nuer Massacre and other Massacres like it. Juba Nuer Massacre is by fare one of the deadliest, most notable and tragic ever in South Sudan history and in African’s context.

Juba Nuer Massacre is the most noxious in terms of human cost and it has dealt a profound impact in the lives of all South Sudanese both the victims and villains – the perpetrators.

Today marked the 4th year when innocent Nuer civilians were murdered innocently in cold-blood on 15 of December 2013 by the Government of South Sudan. Members of the Nuer Community were murdered in their thousands in their houses, on the streets and hotel rooms simply because they were Nuer.

Thus marked December 15th, 2013 as one of the prime testimony when any sense of humanity and one’s citizenry were besmirched by men who call the shots in South Sudan, particularly the president.

By all accounts, President Salva Kiir was ill-advised and prompted to commit a callous mass murder of 20,000 innocent Nuer civilians based on their ethnicity.

Four years on, nobody in his/her right mind would deny that members of the Nuer Community were targeted and summarily executed in their thousands by the State.

The mass murder of innocent civilians Nuer was planned and directed by President Salva Kiir Mayardit himself.

Independent investigation reports such as the African Union Peace and Security Commission, led by former Nigerian H. E. Olusegun Obasanjo confirmed that Juba Nuer Massacre was a “state policy”. It was simply put as a State-sponsored massacre against one ethnic group, the Nuer by the State.

This narrative was also collaborated by Rights Groups such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, United Nations Security Council, and above all, through the way in which the mass murder was executed.

For example, members of Nuer Community were searched from house to house, identified and executed.

Other security reports also showed another disturbing detail on how innocent Nuer civilians were rounded up and savagely murdered in cold-blood.

These reports indicated that Juba was divided up into four quadrants –called killing zones. Each killing zone was assigned to one of Salva Kiir Mayardit’s lieutenants with specific instructions.

The instructions were search, identify and execute the Nuer. Without any doubt, this specific instruction was effected with remarkable precision and debilitating effects on the victims.

In four (4) days, Salva Kiir Mayardit and his lieutenants were able to kill 20,000 Nuer civilians and sent thousands of thousands to the United Nations’ Protection of Civilians (POC) bases in the capital, Juba.

By any major assessment, this marked the Juba Nuer Massacre by far one of the rarest and unique state planned genocide in African historical context.

As such, I would like to remind my readers that this is not the first time members of the Nuer Community were targeted, rounded up and murdered in cold-blood by a supposedly legal authority in the Sudan, particularly in Southern Sudan.

In 1985, Gajaak Nuer were mass massacred by the Sudan People Liberation Movement and Army (SPLM/A) led late Colonel Dr. John Garang de Mabior.

Thousands of Gajaak Nuer civilians were killed following a similar merciless lust to kill or take a human life at will without any ground as in 2013.

Evidence showed that Gajaak Nuer were massacred in their thousands in their huts, farmlands and cattle camps without any alleged crime committed.

In 1993, three thousand (3,000) innocent Gawaar Nuer civilians, women and children were put ablaze alive in Ayod, South Sudan by the same SPLM/A under late col. Dr. John Garang.

To put this into perspective, the men who commanded and executed this mass killing were Gen. Kuol Manyang Juuk, the current Minister of Defence in the Republic of South Sudan and Gen. Pieng Deng Majok, the current General Inspector of the Police also in the Republic of South Sudan.

In this context, people may only recall and remember the iconic picture taken by South African photo journalist, Kevin Carter of child being plunged by a vulture while starving.

It’s good to stress that these mass murders against innocent Nuer civilians were committed by personalities from one community and this speaks volume in terms of tribal body politics in South Sudan.

However, the notable difference between these massacres such as the Gajaak Nuer Massacre in 1985, Ayod Gawaar Massacre in 1993 and the Juba Nuer Massacre in 2013 is the fact that South Sudan was not a sovereign state both in 1985 and 1993.

Also, even though the Gajaak Nuer and the Ayod Gawaar Nuer Massacres were so bloody, so nasty and as brutal as Juba Nuer Massacre in 2013, members of the Nuer Community were not fed with their dead relatives’ flesh in 1985 and 1993.

Similarly, Nuer boys were never castrated and left for dead as in 2013. And more importantly, the SPLA’s soldiers were instructed to rape Nuer females, young or old and soldiers not instructed to set up rape camps in lieu of their rations as it was in 2013.

The other fundamental difference that ought to be mentioned in both instances is the style of leadership during these massacres. In fact, late Dr. John Garang never ascribed to any tribal inclination both in 1985 and 1993 as opposed to Salva Kiir in 2013.

So much so, Dr. Garang did not in any occasion had a slipped of the tongue fantasizing the Dinka X and Nuer Y as opposed to Salva Kiir in 2013.

As a matter of fact, President Salva Kiir has openly accepted that Nuer civilians were targeted and he was in charge.

Finally in this regard and to late Dr. John Garang’s credit, Garang maintained the composer and stature of being a national leader even though he was just a mere rebel leader under big trees in the bush.

Subsequently, this brings me back to today’s memorial, December 15th 2017. Across the globe, members of South Sudan communities are commemorating Juba Nuer Massacre and other Massacres like it.

Thus, it’s imperative to underline that this massive loss of lives and notable absence of the senses of nationhood and nationalism were perfected and promoted by Salva Kiir.

Salva Kiir’s mindless act in 2013 is to blame, Salva Kiir has destroyed South Sudanese’ social fabrics.

South Sudanese no longer see themselves as one people, whose relations were cemented by the blood of their martyrs who died during the 21 years’ war of liberation.

As a consequence, survival of fetish took a centre stage and became mode of ensuring existence and to prevent extermination of one ethnic group by the State.

In this regard, the Nuer -the victim community took upon themselves to rescue themselves from pre-mediated ethnic cleansing. Young men and women across Nuerland were forced to take arms and take to the bush to fight and die with dignity.

With these contradictions, South Sudan ceased to be a stable nation but a failed state. As such, our sense of nationalism evaporated and got lost in the mix.

The pride of nationhood for which many of my colleagues and I fought for in the bush for 21 years is thrown overboard.

Instead, criminal organizations such as the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) took the centre stage and the driver’s seat, perfecting their selfish interests in the name of the Dinka community. This has landed us in the abyss.

However, leading up to today’s commemoration, I saw some sense in the youth of South Sudan. This time around, I noted with keen focus that youth and learned young men from other communities, particularly from the Dinka Community came out and acknowledged the mass killing of members of Nuer community in Juba by the state.

This is a positive sign and right spirit in the right direction.

As such, I like to mention that Dinka as a community did not partake in the planning and execution of the Nuer civilians. Few brainwashed youth from Barh El Ghazal region were used.

But, it’s sensible to mention that Dinka community name was also used as pretext by Dinka selfish politicians.

Majority of the Dinka were dumbfounded by the magnitude of the crimes committed by their own sons against Nuer. The speed in which the massacre occurred traumatized many Dinka. As a result they didn’t know how to respond.

Now, the truth has been laid bare that President Salva Kiir is responsible for killing 20, 000 Nuer civilians. That the mass murder of the Nuer caused the current civil war in the country.

To this effect, I like to stress that we need to seize the opportunity by continuing acknowledging the truth before it’s too late.

Also, I like to urge all South Sudanese to not accept any peace agreement that does not include justice and accountability. Failure to hold those responsible for the crimes committed in South Sudan is a receipt to future revenge and possible scramble and partition of South Sudan.

J. Nguen is a South Sudanese advocate, analyst and political commentator. He can be reached at

Juba Monitor, the mouth piece of JCE tries to taint Gen. Cirillo-led National Salvation Front

From: Elhag Paul, DEC/16/2017, SSN;

On Thursday 7th December 2017, Juba Monitor reported sensationally in bold red headlines, ‘Cirillo’s men’ then followed in black print ‘stranded in Nimule as talks delay’. The colour red is known psychologically as colour of power. Red has the power to attract attention and also to raise sense of danger. In normal circumstance the colour red has been found by many studies to raise pulse in human beings.

So its use in the report appears to be designed to make the maximum impact on its reader and also to attract attention of the public to an important story.

The report is written by Kidega Livingstone under supervision of the Juba Monitor’s editor Anna Nimriano. According to Kidega “the negotiating team sent by the Commander-in-Chief of National Salvation Front (NSF), the former Deputy Chief of General Staff of the SPLA, General Thomas Cirillo Swaka is stranded in Nimule. They are said to be in one of the hotels in Nimule following delay from the national government to respond to their calls for peace talks.”

Kidega continues, “In telephone interview yesterday, the political officer of NSF and the head of delegation to the negotiation in Nimule, who declined to be identified, told Juba Monitor that they were sent by their leaders to come and present their grievance and negotiate peace. However, he said they were still waiting for the government to respond, and added that they had been waiting for three months since the team arrived in Nimule town for the commencement of the negotiations.”

Kidega then quotes the supposed NSF officer saying, “We need the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and the international community to come to listen to us.”

This mendacious reporting by Juba Monitor to blindfold the people of South Sudan in the government controlled areas is shocking and it can not go unchallenged. In the least it is expected that the reporter Kidega and the editor Anna would contact NSF HQs to verify the information from their sources.

NSF did not and has never heard from Juba Monitor or any other reporter working for the paper. This process of checks is a rule of thumb for journalism, yet Juba Monitor fails flat in this regard. It is clear that their reporting is of Konyo-Konyo standard, which in the Western World is referred to as gutter journalism.

No decent person who wants to be appropriately informed/updated about South Sudan’s fast moving events should spend their pennies on this hopeless mouth piece of the Jieng Council of Elders regime.

NSF media team has befittingly responded to this concocted story. Please see its press release, ‘False report in Juba Monitor regarding stranded NAS officials in Nimule’ [right click on this link and select ‘open hyperlink’ to access document] The issues that the Juba Monitor report raises are: 1) its timing. 2) blurring of the talks in Addis Ababa. 3) Corrupting the collective psyche.

What is strange is that the story of the talks in Nimule is published at the same time the IGAD is sending out invites to the stakeholders for the High Level Revitalisation Forum (HLRF) meeting in Addis Ababa scheduled for the third week of December 2017. It is possible that this story is released to taint NSF so that it would appear as unprincipled organisation.

Secondly, the story has the potential to confuse the mediators in Addis Ababa. They may then ask questions as to whether the NSF can be taken seriously since it is engaged in talks already in Nimule with the government. So could this be the government’s strategy of blurring the High Level Revitalisation Forum’s talks?

Thirdly, the story is clearly misinformation designed to confuse the people of South Sudan who are already looking at NSF as the most likely saviour of the country.

The report seeks to portray NSF as a weak organisation poaching for positions without any teeth to pose challenge to the government of South Sudan as an alternative. This can be seen from the supposed NSF officer asking for the United Nations and the International Community to come and listen to it.

The implication is that NSF is not only begging the government for talks but has resorted to plead for outsiders to come and listen to it. The question is: why would NSF beg the government and the international community to come and listen to its grievance?

NSF has made its position clear from the onset. The government knows the position of NSF from the numerous documents issued by the organisation from its inception in March 2017 to date. Please see, ‘The National Salvation front: The Mission‘ & ‘The Declaration of National Salvation Front’. The objectives of NSF as can be seen in these documents expose the blatant lie of the Juba Monitor.

Again if this newspaper is credible, it should have seen the declaratory documents of the organisation. If it has not seen them, then this makes their existence as a national paper a subject of ridicule.

The Juba Monitor clearly has the intention of portraying NSF in a negative light, however it must be made known that NSF is not the organisation that the Juba Monitor is attempting to portray it to be. NSF is a national movement with credible experienced leaders dedicated to emancipate the people of South Sudan from the claws of the JCE’s regime in Juba.

In reality, it is the JCE regime in Juba and not NSF that is already weak. The evidence can be gleaned from the following:
1) the feedback released by the National Dialogue of their surveys in Uganda and Kenya have conclusively demonstrated that the people of South Sudan do not want the government of President Salva Kiir.
2) The Jieng people as the rulers of our unlucky country are already viscerally divided to the extent that their grip on power is loosening fast.
3) The JCE regime has mismanaged the country driving it into total economic collapse.

The Juba Monitor would be better advised to concentrate their stories on these issues facing the country rather than bowing down and acting as the mouth of the JCE regime.

The fat lie of Juba Monitor concocted by Kidega Livingstone and supervised by Anna Nimiriano is an assault on the collective psyche of the South Sudanese people most likely with the intent to corrupt it by inducing a virus into the collective to think of NSF as just a waste of time and space to enhance and protect the JCE regime from the challenges posed to it by NSF.

The Juba Monitor is now worse than the mouth pieces of the failed communist regimes of pre 1991 led by the Soviet Union.

By publishing brazen lies against freedom fighters organisations, the Juba Monitor has chosen to ally itself with the regime of terror. It is clearly telling the people of South Sudan that they share values with JCE. These values are not only limited to lying but goes beyond to cover belief in abuse of human rights and criminality as a tool of governance, the very values that have driven the country to destruction.

For the people in the government-controlled areas, the best way to respond to Juba Monitor’s new identity as a propaganda machine of the JCE is to hit it where it really hurts. They need to know that there is a price to pay for going against the people and for supporting the JCE.

It should not get away with putting the dumper on your feelings by intentionally misleading you to enhance the JCE regime. Punish this new JCE tool by boycotting the print news.

It does not only lie to you to destroy your hopes, but it is actually part of the bigger JCE machine tasked with maligning your mind to psychologically turn you into a helpless person that the JCE can rule comfortably.

Therefore, do not buy Juba Monitor to enrich it and make it stronger in its protection of the regime of terror. The readers of Juba Monitor who abhor the JCE regime should remember that they have the power in the money they spend to buy the paper. Use that power effectively to compliment the bigger struggle against the regime of terror.

Juba Monitor may not feel the pinch of falling income as the regime of terror is already bribing them with huge sums of money to do their dirty job of propaganda. So losing income from sales may be subsidized by the money poured into their coffers by the JCE regime.

However, it may be shocked to find out that its crucial source of revenue in form of advertisements will dwindle too. The reason for this is simple; a boycott of the newspaper is also aided by the very fact that any newspaper that publishes inaccurate stories slowly loses credibility locally.

The strength of any media business is based on trust and the loss of such trust locally among the readership and advertisers means that as a propaganda tool it becomes useless to invest in.

This is a very important point because it means that this will spell the downfall of Juba Monitor. The regime of terror will not see any benefit in funding it if it is not influencing the public in its favour. The advertisers too will not waste their money on advertising on newspapers without credibility and wide readership.

If Mr. Peter Morbe, the Chairman, Board of Directors of Juba Monitor and the editor Ms Anna Nimiriano want to save their business, they need to either issue a public apology to the National Salvation Front, or to withdraw their woolly story by issuing a public statement. This is the only way they can restore credibility.

Finally, Juba Monitor unethically has sold its soul out to the JCE regime. It can no longer be an impartial news processor and disseminator that enlightens the public in this difficult time in the country.

In taking sides with the JCE regime, it has consciously decided to work against the people of South Sudan. The ball is now with the public to do the right thing in the struggle for freedom
[Truth hurts but it is also liberating].

Elhag Paul

The IGAD High Level Revitalization Forum: Wounded but still alive?

From: Peter Adwok Nyaba , South Sudan, DEC/15/2017, SSN;

Today, Friday, 15 December 2017 marks the fourth anniversary of mutiny in the Presidential Guards contingent of the SPLA, which turned out to be a trap into a well planned targeted killing of ethnic Nuers. The fighting in Juba that night and the following four days heralded the beginning of the civil war. Lest we forget the memory of all those who perished in that and the subsequent revenge genocidal actions in Bor, Bentiu, Malakal, etc. The killing is still continuing.

On Monday 18 December 2017 will be the beginning of the hyped IGAD ARCISS High-Level Revitalization Forum, whatever it means. On the surface, it is meant to revitalize or re-activate, resuscitate, revive the agreement on resolution of conflict in South Sudan, which the JMEC Chair, Mr. Festus Mogai diplomatically described as wounded but still alive.

But deep down the diplomatic and political brinkmanship, it is nothing more than to keep up the hope that some miracles will occur, and some international diplomats and civil servants keep their employments while the broad masses of South Sudan wallow in misery created by war.

The fighting in J1 (Presidential Residence) and Jebel Kujur in July 2016, which witnessed SPLM/A (IO) dislodgement from Juba and Dr. Riek Machar pursued to the borders of Congo not only wounded ARCISS but indeed killed it and collapsed the transitional government of national unity (TGoNU) that was its offspring.

If not because of intrigues driven by security and economic interests in South Sudan, ARCISS should have been declared dead when the fighting involved tanks, howitzers, helicopter gunships and drones broke out in Juba.

One year later, after pretending that he was monitoring and evaluating ARCISS implementation, Mr. Festus embarrassingly admitted half-halfheartedly that ARCISS had died but something could be still be undertaken to revitalize it; hence is the proposal for a high-level revitalization forum (HLRF) patterned on AU High-level implementation panel on Abyei, which produced nothing to date.

By the look of things, the HLRF trends to what Beshir Mohammed Saed said in March 1965 describing the Round Table Conference on the Problem of Southern Sudan as ‘a mountain that gave birth to a dead rat’. The government of Salva Kiir has already declared it is not for revitalization.

President Kiir’s undiplomatic letter to Prime Minister Desalegn is indicative of his ‘don’t care’ attitude towards the humanitarian disaster unfolding in the country. In fighting Riek Machar and the opposition groups Kiir wouldn’t mind South Sudan and its people going down the drain.

The HLRF is doomed to failure because, in my opinion, the South Sudan political leadership lacks the national instincts to let go personal agenda for power. I believe there was nothing terribly wrong with ARCISS and it could have satisfied all and sunder, return peace to the country such that our people could recreate their lives in peace and harmony.

Something went wrong with the implementation and the missing component of the peace mediators, guarantors and the international community in the form of enforcement mechanism. This enabled one party to play with the ARCISS.

The responsibility for the collapse of ARCISS lies with President Salva Kiir and in part with the SPLM/A (IO) leadership on account of its failure to mend its internal fences.

Taban Deng Gai’s unbridled fury and anger against Dr. Riek Machar for denying him the petroleum portfolio in the TGoNU which ignited the July conflagration leading to the collapse of ARCISS, remains a shame and speaks volumes of how some South Sudan leaders’ power ambitions and greed for wealth threatens the very existence of South Sudan.

It is possible that the government may not send a delegation on Monday. The fact that Dr. Martin Elia Lomoro and not the Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Deng Alor, will be attending the IGAD Council of Ministers today already shows the government is divided with one leg in the opposition in the form of Former Detainees.

The opposition should therefore exploit the opportunity afforded by HLRF in Addis Ababa to forge a unity of purpose. Only the unity of the opposition will make the government of Salva Kiir and some of its elements who have become fabulously rich because of the war, to feel pressure for peace.

Short of that it will just be another talking shop.

Peter Adwok Nyaba

ARCSS and HLRF: Last or Lost Chance for Peace in South Sudan?

By James Okuk, PhD, Juba, DEC/13/2017, SSN;

“Tell people in power that something they tried didn’t work as expected” – Peter Ross. “A state without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation” – Edmund Burke.

The above quotes are the essential secrets of success or failure of countries. This wisdom from Ross and Burke should guide the High-Level Revitalization Forum (HLRF) and its outcome. The warring parties should seize the opportunity as the unavoidable last chance for sustainable peace. There is no room or patience left now for accommodating the unending senseless war any longer.

The Revitalization of the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (ARCSS) must change the tainted image that the country has acquired since 2013 crises to date. It should rescue South Sudan from its current situation of hopelessness and fragility. It must prevent the new country from premature disappearance into annals of history due to its trifling resistance to change for dignified happiness.

It is high time for South Sudan to be confronted truthfully to quickly regain the confidence of its lucky territory (644,329 km2) and the inherent abundance of virgin resources (oil, gas, gold, teak, mahogany, ebony, gum arabic, sweet water, tame and wild animals, proud and liberal people, etc..) located in the naturally blessed tropical savannah climate of agriculture.

Article 1 (1)(2) of the Constitution of South Sudan has correctly defined it the sovereign Republic straddling Bahr el Ghazal, Equatoria and Upper Nile with boundaries of January 1, 1956, including Abyei Area of the Nine Ngok Dinka Chiefdoms transferred from Bahr el Ghazal Province to Kordofan Province in 1905 and as defined by the Abyei International Arbitration Tribunal Award of July 2009.

Article 1 (4) also provides for decentralized multiparty democracy and homeland for multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-racial people of South Sudan who should co-exist peacefully, including with their other African neighbors: Sudan (border of 2000 km) to the North, Ethiopia to the East, Kenya to the South East, Uganda to South, Democratic Republic of Congo to South West, and Central African Republic to North West. Egypt also claims to be a neighbor of South Sudan through links of history and Nile River.

Building on the international relations and long history of liberation struggle, the Republic of South Sudan has opened 29 Diplomatic Missions Abroad (with bigger number in Africa, followed by Europe and none yet in South America, Central America, the Caribbean and Oceania).

South Sudan has also become a member of multilateral international and regional organizations (e.g., UN, AU, IGAD, ICGLR, EAC, etc..) and has been obliged to commit itself to preservation of international peace, security and cooperation.

Many countries and international organizations have also established their diplomatic ties and opened their offices and residences in Juba. Numerous humanitarian agencies have also been operating in South Sudan, engaging the local counterparts and distribution agents, especially after 2005 and more from 2013 to date.

Nevertheless and despite all these interactions, South Sudan has remained vulnerable and upside-down state surviving virtually on humanitarian reliefs by NGOs and ‘Lords of Poverty’ promoted by ‘Masters of Crises’. Why? War and bad governance, stupid!

Given the above-mentioned circumstances, South Sudan shouldn’t be tolerated further or treated as an exceptional nuisance in flesh of the region and international community.

The heartbreaking statistics on its 13 million population (i.e., 64 tribes and communities) must not be taken lightly: over 2 million displaced to neighboring countries and more as illegal migrants without refugee records, about 2 million living as vulnerable IDPs even in Juba the Capital City, over 6 million living as food insecure in their original settlements and threatened by hunger during the dry season, over 70% living below and even beyond poverty line in urban areas alone, 3 digits of upper numbers defining hyperinflation in the market, unthinkable diminished purchasing power of public servants due to valueless salaries they receive late after months of waiting and resilience, severe humanitarian need for ordinary people who have no alternative means or lucrative tactics of survival, high rates of death from treatable diseases, alarming illiteracy magnitude with over 2 million children out of basic schools, uncontrolled migration of frustrated youth overseas and at times trying their luck in the deadly Mediterranean Route, Vicious Routines of attacks of residences by the known or unknown gunmen, etc..).

Faced with the despairing and disgusting dynamics of all the above bad news caused by the on-going civil war and man-made suffering, well-wishing keen persons should ask their conscience: Is it immoral from the international community and the region to impose peace into South Sudan by any means possible and without second thought on doing this immediately?

What good did political leaders of South Sudan in the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) achieve so far in the interest of ending the war and pursing real peace and legitimacy for them to continue ruling by getting free-of-charge extension of their term in public offices?

What is attractive and promising about the opposition outside the TGoNU that its leaders must be included in power sharing for the unending transitional periods in South Sudan?

What is new about the IGAD mediation and JMEC this time round that we should be really optimistic for safeguards of the long-awaited sustainable peace and development in South Sudan?

The last opportunity granted in the HLRF for South Sudanese leaders as well as for the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC) and IGAD-Plus to commit themselves seriously and accountably to the revitalization of the ARCSS, should serve as final wakeup call for all.

The critical evaluative focus should be placed on ARCSS paralysis and its oversight ineffectiveness so that repeat of failure of ‘African-solutions’ is not regenerated intentionally.

Good governance, security, humanitarian assistance, economic dividends and credible democratization should be seen emerging urgently from the new approach for peace and progress.

The Terms of Reference for the HLRF are already clearer in this direction (i.e., Enforce Permanent Ceasefire, Implement the ARCSS Fully, and Revise the Scheduled Timelines Realistically for Elections to be Conducted Credibly Towards the End of Revitalized Transition Period).

The tricks and tactics used by many South Sudanese politicians and their attached armed groups to cling or ascend to power under pretexts of indefinitely extended transitional periods must not be entertained again.

It is commendable that the IGAD Special Envoy, the Cool Excellent Ambassador from Djibouti, has taken his time keenly to consult and know South Sudanese better before jumping into the conclusions of the HLRF, which will kick off on 18th – 22nd December 2017 in Addis Ababa and as new realities of the situation emerge.

Thereafter, it should be known in black and white who are the malicious ‘bad guys’ wanting the new country on the world map to be defined by vicious statistics and who are the virtuous ‘good guys’ working for peace.

It must also be underscored that the devil around peace deals in South Sudan is not really in the multiple mediations or negotiations and tendencies for ‘forum shopping’, neither in the inclusivity or transparency; but in the missed and messed pudding of implementation processes that often flop from scoring the targeted goals effectively in time.

Even if multi-dollar fund is poured in abundantly for peace-making, peace-keeping and peace-building or humanitarianism, still the absence of the necessary political will from leaders of South Sudan and the region shall continue to take us back to undesirable ‘Square One’ (especially when the same failed methodology and personnel are s kept intact to run the repeated futile show without facing the intransigence sticks).

This detrimental haggling misconduct and insensitive unchanging attitude raises this essential question for pondering: what is so honeying and milking inside government, military, political parties, and opposition groups of South Sudan that rigidly makes leaders and their supporters not to think of surviving in dignity elsewhere at private sector, civil society zone and faith-based institutions?

The bitter truth about the embattled South Sudan must be honestly exposed and confessed for the ARCSS Revitalization to succeed, including regaining the lost confidence in liberty, justice, penance, reconciliation and healing to prevail at last.

The Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (ARCSS) was signed in August 2015 by the Parties (GRSS, SPLM-IO, SPLM-FD and OPP), Adherents and other South Sudanese Stakeholders under Guarantors of leaders of IGAD countries and international witnesses of the Troika (i.e., U.S, U.K & Norway) as well as other international partners/friends.

All the parties, especially the GRSS and the SPLM-IO, were advised to withdraw their reservations.

They were also cautioned to avoid the mentality and precipitous interpretation of the ARCSS as if it was the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005, where the original SPLM/A of Chairman Dr. John Garang and his lieutenants came back home from liberated areas and bushes of rebellion to share power and wealth (i.e., oil revenues mainly) with the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) in the 25 states of the Sudan.

Special upper control and privileges of autonomous government were accorded to the SPLM/A in the 10 states in the South and with capital in Juba.

Unlike the CPA,the ARCSS was launched with little hope and faint optimism in practicality of its ambitious roadmap for enabling South Sudan to rise up again in dignity during 32-months transitional period and beyond.

It was wished that the deal will stop the devastating hostilities of the civil war and its horrible human rights abuses and disgusting humanitarian law violations.

Hence, the JMEC’s Chairperson and his Deputy were rushed into Juba for a miracle but to find themselves in limbo of complications of ‘peace-war’ politics (local, regional and international), and without clarification by IGAD Mediation whose Three Envoys put off their hands on the ARCSS after it was finally signed by the President of the Republic of President at Freedom Hall in Juba on 26 August 2015.

These Envoys (all retired army generals) from Ethiopia, Sudan and Kenya didn’t want to be bothered further as they thought to have accomplished their mission. Nothing was significantly heard about them again on the trap of ARCSS implementation.

The principal warring parties of that time (SPLM-GRSS and SPLM-IO) could only trust the show of their balance of military power, including VIP guarding units in Juba and troops deployed in other parts of their respective controlled territory in South Sudan.

Particularly, the SPLM/A-IO Leader was hesitant to set foot in Juba without seeing significant boots of his own trusted guards and relatives on the ground.

Planes and Cargos were hired to transport them and their heavy armaments to the Seat of the TGoNU, while at the same time pressing the GRSS to demilitarize Juba (except for a sizable Presidential and VIPs guards) to a distance of 25km outside.

The First Vice President was sworn in, Ministers were appointed, and Presidential Advisors announced without proper procedures and bases in the ARCSS and with impatient to wait for promulgation of the new transitional constitutional (which didn’t see light after that).

Also the parties to the ARCSS failed to collectively apologize to the people of South Sudan for the wrongs caused by their unworthy violent conflict in 2013 and onwards.

They couldn’t act jointly to conduct public rallies in Juba and other parts of South Sudan to declare the end of war (with its pervasive incentives, distorted propaganda, irrational arrogance, mediocre pride, disrespect to the rule of law, and mobilization of fighters and supporters on destructive tribal and regional sentiments, etc).

They failed to build confidence in culture of harmony and peaceful socialization in South Sudan. They provoked the economy to ‘take up arms’ against the people, adding to the suffering caused by wild guns. The bad business went on as usual without change.

It was a wrong and false start for ARCSS implementation. The darkness haunted later as the tricky situation allowed the dwarf alligators to become giant crocodiles in the TGoNU, confusing the JMEC’s leadership to distinguish the hyenas in sheep skins from real peace agents.

The inherent ARCSS’ contradictions didn’t take longer to explode after the TGoNU was lately formed in 2016. The political will to move on as a coalition ‘government of bitter enemies’ was not seen around any corner of the TGoNU’s leadership.

It proved so difficult and itchy to allocate the First Vice President an Executive Office space adjacent to the Office of the President as it used to be in the past.

The RPGs and PKMs of his bodyguards were demonstrably lethal for a serene atmosphere to prevail.

The Presidency couldn’t agree on anything constructive and well-wishing in the interest of fast-tracking the ARCSS implementation, particularly after the complications of the unilateral Republican Executive Order 36/2015 for the establishment of 28 states to replace the 10 states and impose a de facto situation as a retaliation by the GRSS against what its politicians and council of elders detested as an imposed peace deal.

Also the SPLM/A-IO continued to operate in parallels on its 21 bush states, governors and commissioners, and with tribal communities and all types of opportunists flocking to the SPLM/A-IO Leader at his Pagak II in Juba’s suburb while troubles signs on the wall were clear for a possible bang.

The IGAD’s Council of Ministers’ Communiqué, which authorized a formation of boundary committee to resolve the complications of the 21 and 28 states, fell on deaf ears of obstinacy.

Even the TGoNU’s Council of Ministers couldn’t discuss anything critically relevant to the implementation of the ARCSS; sometimes it failed to meet for ‘lack of agenda’ but also for fear from possible backlash of the heavily armed troops guarding the President, First Vice President, Vice President, Minister of Defense, Minister of Interior, among other VIP guards.

Somatization of Ministries Complex and streets of Juba was real. The agreed demilitarization or cantonment of forces was just a dry ink on ARCSS Paper.

Nothing admirable was positively seen on the ground in the interest of Cessation of Hostilities, Permanent Ceasefire and Peaceful Security Arrangements as stipulated in Chapter II of the ARCSS.

Thus, it was not a surprise for many critical observers to witness the pungent military showdown in Juba when the guarding forces of the principal TGoNU’s leaders started searching and shooting themselves as legitimate targets in June 2016.

This culminated in the Real PlayStation Film and close-ranged Dogfight that took place among the Presidency Guards, letting loosed finally the clouds of hell that was hovering around the Presidential Palace (J1) during the extraordinarily emergency security meeting of the TGoNU’s top bosses.

The residents of Juba had to see the lethal live fireworks that they had never witnessed once, especially after the fifth Independence Anniversary was suspended two days before the show of SPLA military might.

From then the hope for peace via ARCSS was put into critical balance with the Old Man from Botswana and Representatives of International Community in Juba getting jumbled by the fast evolving renewed war situation, right on their helpless watch. Alas!

The First Vice President and his surviving 700 guards and some political supporters had to escape death narrowly after smelling terrible smoke from the sky and dust on the ground around their temporary residence in Jebel area (Pagak II).

The spree of shooting, killings, looting and raping of South Sudanese and foreigners alike became so scaring (e.g., spraying live bullets on bullet-proofed American Embassy’s Marked CD Car that was carrying high ranking staff, vandalizing Terrain Hotel and abusing its residents to the extent of fatality of a journalist, looting stores and warehouses of humanitarian agencies, all at a close vicinity and clear watch by the UNMISS Peacekeeping Forces).

The Airport and exits from key transportation installations in and around Juba became inaccessible and unsafe. Despair about the relapse to 2013 situation got renewably real.

The ARCSS was seen to have fallen apart, especially when some prominent Ministers of the TGoNU resigned and declared rebellion.

The UN Secretary-General was furiously stunned as he conducted an urgent press conference to condemn the unjustified renewed fighting, calling the ToNU’ Principals “failed leaders”.

The IGAD’s Council of Ministers had to convene urgently for an extraordinary meeting in Nairobi, especially when it was discovered that the 17,000 UNMISS troops were helpless to help in keeping peace at that tormenting moment (including inside their own camps and fenced civilian protection sites around them).

They didn’t want to die for the right cause of discharging their mandate of protecting the civilians and keeping peace using any means disposable.

Hence, Regional Protection Force (RPF) was recommended and authorized for deployment in Juba to stabilize the situation, protect the civilian, and guard the airports and key installations.

The RPF was endorsed unanimously and quickly by the AU and UN Security Council in 2016, attached with some targeted sanctions against fee individuals and possible arms embargo on the country as a whole in case the civil war failed to get deescalated and resolved.

Now with the unacceptable gloomy reality of war-torn South Sudan, what must and what should be expected sufficiently from the ARCSS revitalization?

Stopping the damning war in order to build and develop the naturally blessed South Sudan on fundamental pillars of human rights and civil liberties needed for realistic social contract between the people and their legitimate government of peace. No more destruction!

The post-war South Sudanese state must be reformed and restructured federally and democratically on this foundation and without losing the legacy of historical struggle of its ancestors against all forms of inhumanity.

It should adapt to the dynamics of political environment and establish strong institutions and functional processes of good governance, matching with globalization requirements.

It must also be acknowledged that the people of South Sudan and their well-wishing international partners and friends, have lost confidence in the TGoNU, in the opposition, and in the neutrals who have remained silent in the face of unleashed evils on the land.

Three years of the transitional period have almost been wasted against ARCSS implementation as promised and mandated legitimately for action by: 3 men in the presidency, 30 ministers and 8 deputy ministers in the 29 ministries, 400 MPs in the Transitional National Legislative Assembly, 50 MPs in the Transitional Council of States, Civil Servants in all Public Institutions, Officials in the National Commissions and Parastals, Justices and Judges in the Judiciary, JMEC’s Members and Leadership, Political Parties, Media and Public Opinion, Civil Society Organizations and Academia, Faith-based Organizations, and other pressure or interest groups.

The revitalization process should avoid the ‘Nirvana fallacy’ of letting the situation sort itself on wrong perceptions.

It should also avoid keeping South Sudan as hostage of unending transitional governments, which is used by the unpopular politicians as the easiest gateway for ascending to power and capturing state resources on a short-cut treachery without real scrutinized mandate from the people.

Peter Schuck in his Book ‘Why Government Fails So Often’ (2014) cautioned for vigilance against entertaining politicians who are mostly short-sighted, selfish, partisan, lazy, opportunists and hypocrites, especially where citizens live in apathy, cynicism and ignorance.

Thus, all post-war eggs of South Sudanese Republic must not be put in politicians’ baskets. Some eggs should wisely be reserved for alternative baskets of strong independent Judiciary with robust Constitutional Court, for vibrant Civil Society, and for Honest Faith-based institutions, as a strategy of guaranteeing the safety and preservation of the South Sudan species against the deeper tipping cliff of any political dooming abyss.

There should be strict follow up mechanisms and sustained honest pressure, regionally and internationally, to enforce and safeguard the revitalized ARCSS implementation for good governance, stable security, serviceable humanitarianism, and economic recovery and growth.

Tough lessons must be learnt from past blunders on the ARCSS. The roots causes of the conflicts must be diagnosed correctly and settled amicably for good.

Legacy of ‘liberation-ism’ with its strong link to fallible faith in unconventional military victory must be shunned as untenable for the liberal tribal loyalty, difficult geographical terrains, infrastructural underdevelopment, and uncontrollable intrusion of neighboring countries or foreign allies into internal affairs of South.

The Senseless War must and should be declared as totally unsustainable for South Sudan. The bad situation has become like ‘big snake in tunnel’ whose poison sprays into all directions.

On one hand sufficient sticks must be prepared to knock down warmongers. On the other hand attractive carrots must be availed for awarding those who are willingly to implement the revitalized the ARCSS, in letter and spirit.

It is no longer a matter of inclusive power sharing and enjoyment but restoration of the lost dignity of the hard-worn Republic of South Sudan above any parochial interest of an individual or a tribe.

All the diverse people of South Sudan and their respective leaders must all be empowered without undermining anyone or entity, be it the smallest or the biggest on the land.

Armed forces must be distanced from active politics, from political parties or movements, and from tribes and regions of South Sudan, so that they are re-oriented and transformed into true national defense forces loyal to the unity of country than divisiveness of individual commanders or tribes.

Among all the scenarios, peace and sustainable security must be the only choice worth revitalizing for South Sudan. The war shouldn’t be given any further chance to eat away the original DNA of South Sudan (though 90% of its lifespan has been spent in war situation and humanitarian catastrophe).

The revitalized ARCSS should be supported sufficiently for it to create a fertile ground for seedling the terribly needed culture of peace and development in South Sudan.

Tenacious technocrats must emerge from within South Sudanese themselves (after serious character scrutiny) to help put their country on correct path of good governance with categorical rule of just law and strong non-partisan public institutions.

No last or lost chance. The Republic of South Sudan must and should become Peace, Peace and Peace!
Dr. James Okuk is Professor of Politics in the University of Juba and Peace-building Consultant in South Sudan. He is reachable at

Lol State is a disaster like the rest of the country and Pres. Kiir says, “It isn’t my fault!” Who’s to blame then, Mr. President? The Jieng Council of Elders (JCE)!

From: Amma Emmanuel , Australia, DEC/10/2017, SSN;

Lol state is a disaster like the rest of the country and the president says, “It is not my fault”! Who is to blame then Mr. President? The Jieng Council of Elders (JCE)!

When Decree No. 36 of 2015— mandating the creation of 28 states in the Republic of South Sudan—was issued, the entire population of the then Raga County in Western Bahr el Ghazal, led by chiefs and intellectuals, rejected the decision to carve Raga County and merge it with North and West Aweil to form the current Lol state.

They wrote one memo after another, held rallies, and sent delegations to Wau and Juba to explain why they rejected the order. They said, as stakeholders, they were not consulted in the matter so as to express their views, nor were they aware of a study conducted prior to the order to reassure them their farms would be protected from the cattle belonging to the new settlers; their voices heard; and their democratic representation preserved from the mechanical majority decisions that the new status quo would bring.

In addition, they pointed out that this order violates Article 161 of the transitional constitution and breaches the August 2015 comprehensive peace agreement, therefore, threatening the peace in Raga and the area at large.

The people of Raga are known to be diplomatic, religious and law-abiding people; they lived peacefully with their neighbors from Aweil West and North for decades. The abduction of women and children or pillaging of villages, as regularly reported in other parts of the country, was unimaginable.

Thus, they believed that Decree No. 36 of 2015 was an attempt by enemies of peace to end this amicable relationship and set the area ablaze, as had occurred in other regions of the country.

In October 2017, President Kiir issued an order to the army to ensure withdrawal of pastoralists and their cattle from the Equatoria region and resettlement in their respective states in Jonglei and Lakes. The order cited complaints from farmers and chiefs from Equatoria that cattle were destroying their crops, their main source of livelihood.

This was not the first time that such an order was issued, nor the first time that farmers complained.

President Kiir issued a previous order to relocate the pastoralists in Western Equatoria to their respective states; however, farmers in Equatoria and Western Bah el Ghazal continued to complain about cattle destroying their crops.

The strife between farmers and cattlemen transcends contemporary times, dating back to the colonial era. It was on the basis of these differences in livelihood that British colonials delineated district and state boundaries; farmers remained in Western Bahr el Ghazal and Central and Western Equatoria, while the regions north and east of these areas—up to the border with Sudan— were designated for pastoralists.

Natural features, such as rivers, functioned as borders in some areas in Upper Nile. Over time, with the exception of minor incidents of cattle-raiding that occurred over the border, this solution brought sustainable peace between the tribes, leading successive administrations to maintain it after independence in 1956.

It is due to this history that when Decree No. 36 of 2015 was issued, the people of Raga were initially in disbelief. They thought it was an error that might soon be corrected; however, it became a nightmare when days passed and reality set in.

Why merge Dinka Malwal from Aweil— who are pastoralists— and Fertit from Raga— who are farmers— in one state at a time when President Kiir was issuing orders to pastoralists in Equatoria to move to their states in Jonglei and Lakes?

If the argument is to make public services more accessible to these rural communities, why not maintain Raga as a separate state?
Why risk people’s lives and resources on an arrangement that was deemed a failure from day one?

And why are some trying to damage the harmonious relationship between the two communities of Fertit and Dinka that existed for decades?

If it is about the unwarranted fear of unfounded old claims that the people of Raga wanted to be annexed to Darfur or that Khartoum wanted to take Raga, the Jieng (Dinka) Council of Elders (JCE) needs to understand the following:

•When Khartoum claimed Abyei as a territory of Sudan, it was not because of its people or their religious affiliation, but because of the land and its resources.
•When Khartoum fought back to regain control of Panthow, it was similarly on account of the land and gas reserves.
•When they pushed the border of Darfur and Kurdufan further south to include Kafia Kenje, Hufrat el Nahas, Rodom, Abyei and other areas in Upper Nile during the Nimeri regime— continuing to occupy them up to this moment— it was because of studies that proved these areas were rich in minerals, gas, and other valuable resources.

That being said, if Khartoum one day wants to claim Raga it will be as a result of land and resources and not because of its people or their religious affiliation. The union of Raga and North and West Aweil and the formation of Lol State should not and will not be a condition for the two communities to come together and stand up against any foreign threats.

International borders are normally protected by the national government rather than the tribes or “Mathing Anyor”. A country incapable of coming to the defense of its people and borders is useless and, likewise, a government unable to defend its citizens is no government at all.

The government in Juba, carrying a guilty conscience after not being able to fulfill its responsibilities to Abyei and its people, has resorted to these divisive, destructive, and unstudied policies.

One of the most important responsibilities of a legitimate government is to protect its citizens from any internal or external threats. The constitution places that right in the hands of the national or central government with the national army and security organs positioned as tools to enforce executive and legislative decisions.

To delegate this power to any entity other than the government is inappropriate and disgraceful. Therefore, the government’s desertion of Abyei and betrayal of its people is a show of weakness and a symbol of failure.

Furthermore, the JCE’s imposition of North and West Aweil on Raga—on the premise of a false allegation of Raga wanting to be part of Darfur—is utterly a disguise for its immoral intentions.

To the unaware or absentminded, the 2010 referendum results showed that more than 97% of the people in the then Raga province voted for secession, making Raga one of the areas with the highest volume of votes in support of separation.

Furthermore, those who were displaced and resettled at the outskirts of Khartoum for years overwhelmingly voted for separation and immediately returned to their ancestors’ land and started development. Every single village in Raga country that was deserted during the liberation war has been rebuilt and normal life resumed. That is why Raga did not experience any shortage in food or hunger all this time.

Raga learned that if they wanted to keep their land from any foreign ardent desire to snatch or annex, they had to return, rebuild, develop, and rely on themselves. To them, Decree 36 and the creation of Lol state is synonymous with Khartoum’s ambition to take their land; this time, however, concealed under the façade of federalism- what they will resist teeth and nails!

People of Raga are patriotic; they value their land and honor their martyrs. Like many other people who had untold stories of patriotism during the liberation war that Khartoum deliberately distorted and/or never documented, Raga had stories of honorable youth –accused of being fifth column in the Anyanya movement—who were dragged from their homes and shot by the army in broad daylight, their bodies left on the streets.

These are the unknown soldiers who shed their blood so that Kafia Kenje and Hufrat el Nahas could be a part of Raga and the whole South.

The people of Raga will never dishonor their martyrs nor forget the sacrifices they made on behalf of liberation. They voted overwhelmingly to fulfill their dreams and to prove to their families that the bloods of their sons, daughters, husbands, brothers and sisters were not shed in vain.

Therefore, to accuse them of wanting to get Raga annexed to Darfur is smearing their struggle for the liberation of this land; it is just another imprudent attempt by the JCE to justify their unacceptable land grabbing policies.

Angelo Marak, a former speaker of the defunct Northern Baher el Ghazal legislative assembly, told Radio Tamazuj that the “two-state solution would be better option than unattractive unity between the two communities forming Lol State.”

He attributed the reason behind his suggestion to the fact that Raga community leaders completely rejected the Lol state decree due to fear of the destruction of their farms, the grabbing of their lands, and the alteration of their culture by the Dinka and their cattle.

Two separate memos, one from the intellectuals and youth from North and West Aweil in Juba and the other from the concerned citizens of the former Aweil North and West counties in the diaspora, appealed to the president for the creation of an Aweil state separate from Raga. They cited the same reasons above, stressing that both communities would live peacefully in separate states as they had done in the past.

In his article, Why Lol State should be partitioned?”, Kuac Deng stated that the creation of Lol state has put Aweil North and West in a precarious position, with rebellions and assassination attempts by the people of Raga who rejected to be part of the new state and a government in Juba with no solutions to offer.

He talked about the dire economic situation comprised of unemployment; mass out-migration due to insecurity, and lack of social services. Accordingly, he urged people of Aweil North and West to stand up for their rights and claim a separate state, stating, “Unity is a shared responsibility and cannot be forced” and a separate state will guarantee peace and harmony with itself and neighboring states.

This is the situation in Lol: rejection of Decree No. 36, rebellion, demands for two separate states, insecurity, hunger, no salaries for more than six months, corruption, lack of essential services, mass exodus to neighboring countries and more. Unfortunately, this is the situation all over the country and not in Lol alone.

The president was honest to say, “South Sudan is a disaster” as reported by the Washington Post, but whose fault is it and who should be held accountable? If the president denies responsibility, then who is responsible? The Jieng Council of Elders!

It is unthinkable for a sitting head of state to confess to the media that his country is a disaster or to exhibit indifference towards the suffering of his people. A president who refuses to bear responsibility for the mess and damage his government has created loses legitimacy and must cede power to someone who is competent, someone with a clear vision, someone willing to hold themselves and others accountable.

South Sudan deserves to be in a better position twelve years after independence, but here we are—according to many observers—a failed state littered with widespread corruption, a deficit in public services, and an indecisive governing body, among other issues.

South Sudan has become a playground for neighboring countries whose armies freely enter the region and whose aircrafts readily violate the country’s airspace. South Sudan is on the verge of collapse!

The IGAD Revitalization Forum to resuscitate the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (ARSC) will be held in mid-December of this year. It is the belief of the author of this article that IGAD will never bring a total, just, and lasting peace to South Sudan if Uhuru Kenyatta and Yoweri Museveni play a role in the Forum and become signatories to any agreement reached.

Museveni, whose soldiers defended Kiir, is part of the problem and Kenya is only interested in South Sudanese dollars—not its people.

A total, just, and lasting peace will come when all 64 tribes of South Sudan stand up and say enough is enough. Mounting calls for the dissolution of the JCE could be responsible for the JCE’s recent decision to rebrand itself as “The Concerned Citizens of South Sudan” and, as reported in the Sudan Tribune, the Aweil Youth have declared, “Kiir and his administration are responsible for failing the country and dragging South Sudanese to tribalism, segregation, and nepotism”.

Each day passes, South Sudanese are realizing how Kiir and his administration have failed the country and how they should come together before it is too late. These occasions are evidence of imminent change, the presence of a blurry, yet unfading, light at the end of the tunnel.

It will not be easy to effect change; it will be rough, thorny, and bloody; however, as Nelson Mandela famously stated:
“There is no easy way to freedom anywhere and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadow of death again and again before we reach the mountain tops of our desires”.

Amma Emmanuel:
Dec., 2017

To Leaders of Bor, Twi and Duk: Save your jieng community from obliteration

BY: MajorComings, DEC/10/2017, SSN;

My leaders, this is your time. This is your moment. You must act in the best interest of your community to saving it from apparent obliteration.

I am an insider and so, I compose this message with a heavy heart. It has to be prudently snooped to! It has to be taken with absolute care and urgently acted upon. It is an open secret, BorPeople (Twi, Bor and Duk) are needed to depopulate East bank and live as IDPs in their own country, and so their dignity is done with.

To live with humiliation for rest of their lives. This must not be allowed to materialise, though, indicators of mass evacuation are so worrying. This community is capable to annex as far as Boma, and as far as Terkeka, and Akobo.

This is the community whose more than 150 local chiefs were summarily killed in the 60s by Jallaba and continued to resist Jallaba that come with tanks and bombs.

Who is this Akol Koor and Pibor to BorCommunity? The greatest weakness of this community is lack of unity. And this is what we need to build on. The community has human intelligence no other community has in South Sudan. It has everything else to subdue its opponents.

This is the community that shattered Cobra Militia, in only a fortnight war. The so-called Murle power that propelled the idiotic Yau-Yau into the ministerial post. Only that, our ringleaders who led the war to Murle territory weren’t material oriented otherwise, they would have asked for government posts.

This outright defeat angered particularly, Akol Koor of national security and his acolytes who were so determined that BorYouths were heading for a defeat. And this anger was typified by the Jameza Bor civilians massacre where 42 civilians (RIP) were instantaneously executed by security special force under the pretext of Mundari apostates.

Akol did this with an intention of creating another war between BorPeople and MundariPeople. When this didn’t work in his favour, he ordered that the national gunships be used to attack BorYouth’s position in the Murle territory and this was where they fell out with General Paul Malong Awan, the then former Chief of General Staff.

Gen Paul opposed Akol’s unthoughtful view and they clashed and unfortunately, Kiir took Akol’s side and unjustly fired Malong. May God be with General Paul wherever he is. This was a compelling manifestation of the dubious mining business Akol, Yau-Yau, Kiir, Konyi, and Akot Lual are cossetted in. These horrific crimes such as the wanton killing were meant to distract BorYouth who were matching at Pibor after clearing outposts of Pibor and indeed, diversion transpired.

Akol, Akot Lual, Konyi, and Kiir Miyar won. Their mining business in Boma is much more significant than BorCommunity lives. Sad, but is the fact.

Akol, Akot, Yau-Yau trained more than 10,000 MurleYouth Militia in the undisclosed training centre in Pibor. It is from this group where Akol went and brought 3,000 to Juba to disarm and fight Malong with. When Kiir refused to accept this confrontation, this 3,000 plus few IO-Taban soldiers were taken to PanPandiar in Bortown under General Dau Aturjong Nyuol who is an IO himself.

Didn’t Juba learn from what General Gatdet of Riek Machar did to General Ajak Yen Ajak and BorCommunity in 2013? Why was Dau Aturjong put on top of General Malual Majok this time again? Did Kuol, Makuei, Thon Leek, Deng Dau question this? No, they didn’t.
As this is the case, the well-being of BorPeople is of paramount and you the above mentioned leaders must step in and refurbish the dashed hope now than later.

The Juba’s Bor politicians such as Kuol Manyang, Makuei Lueth, Thon Leek, Deng Dau, and army generals in the likes of, Malak Ayuen, Manyok Barach, Jok Riak, Malual Majok, Jongkuc Jool, Malual Ayom and many more are not for the betterment of BorCommunity. They are only there for their salaries and nothing else. Did anyone hear them utter a word when BorYouth were targeted and rounded up in Juba? No, they didn’t.

Truth is, they all are caged up and are living at the mercy of Akol Koor. It’s simply uncouth to see General Kuol Manyang Juuk the then giant of South Sudanese liberation reduces to a mere puppet! He wasn’t anyone Akol could undermine and disrespect in those days. Sad, but Kuol is what he is, a puppet. He is a minister by name but someone between Akol and Akot is running the real show. We can’t even talk of Gen. Mamur Mete. He is totally out of the show. He is completely marginalised.

Back to the topic, as I write, more than 10 BorYouth including their chairman (Majur Achol) to whom, Nhial Majak Nhial (the contemporary Bor Traitor) sold for just a mayoral post are languishing in custody and nobody of the aforementioned leaders showed leadership. Nhial, the Bor biblical Esau who sold his birthright for food is now comfortably recruiting more traitors home and abroad to undermine, sabotage BorCommunity’s will of wanting to protect itself.

Nhial is Akol Koor hired thug whose reputation is in tatters. Akol is very tactical in choosing, he goes for a hopeless thug, and this tells people what he is. Nhial even stole from Hon. Kuol Manyang despite, trust KuolDit bestowed on him. This is the man who made away with millions of dollars from Jonglei State when 2013 crises struck. Nhial will kill more BorYouth through Akol if nothing is timely done.

I encourage these three communities (Bor, Twi, and Duk) to bring down traitors before they do more damage to the community. A traitor deserves his head cut off and this the stage we are at. These innocent men whose names were handed by Nhial to Akol Koor were collected in their residents and are now still being unlawfully held until today, some are brutally tortured to a coma, Maluak Alony and Majur Achol are examples.

All those who are arrested are either members of “Camcieth” BorYouth group or those who mobilised resources to support BorYouth back home so that they can protect vulnerable elderly and kids back home against Murle attack. Who on the Earth will call this a crime? Self-protection isn’t a crime universally.

These youths have not committed any crime deemed a national threat. Their only crime that I now know of is the recent organisation of the BorYouth to counter Murle attack. Just see here, the accusations labelled against Majur Achol (Juba-Bor youth chairman) are that he mobilized 10,000 Bor youth and supplied them with weapons. This is rubbish, but who won’t do this if your community is recurrently attacked and the government appeared lenient and taking a side?

Mobilisation did take place in Bor and Majur didn’t do any of it even governor Aguer to whom Nhial implicated too didn’t know of the plan. The mobilisation was informed by periodic attacks on BorPeople. It was done by MithBoor who are still at large. Be warned, they are ready to take over Pibor as the government seems to find pleasure in bloodletting and destruction.

That spirit of mobilisation didn’t go down well with the RSS government which had been turning a blind eye in the face of numerous deadly Murle attacks against innocent citizens of these three counties. Akol Koor, Akot Lual, Konyi, and David Yau are behind the current crack down of innocent youths. Akol Koor and Akot Lual are sympathisers of Murle evil act against their ill-perceived political enemy (BorCommunity) according to some of “Wet Ka Aghorti”. And this is very untrue.

When Murle attacks BorCommunity they keep silent for example, Jalle massacre days after Taban was sent to quell Buor not to retaliate and upto this time nobody has condemned the attack let alone recovering the stolen, robbed children, and cattle.

On 28.11.2017 just three months apart, Pibor State attacked Duk County in Jonglei State killing scores of people and drove away with captives and herd of cattle and Juba government didn’t utter a single word, just after hyped cyber outcry, Taban sent a good-for-nothing message on 30.11.2017 but when “Buor” go to Murle to retract their abducted kids and rustled cattle Juba intervened quite immediately. This is a clear case of double-standard only traitors in BorCommunity won’t see this.

It’s also imperative to bring to your attention that Akol and his security boys had been the prime suspect behind extrajudicial killings of young intellectuals from BorCommunity who were murdered in cold blood. The examples of those killed in cold blood by Akol Koor are,
1. Akuach Jok (RIP), a promosing lawyer from Makerere University
2. Diing Chan (RIP), known as (Isaiah Abraham) of Tiger and Tumsa battalion, a liberator on his own account who tuned a wide read columnist.
3. Dr. Ding Chol Dau (RIP), a neurosurgeon physician by profession whose pay stands at this $395,000 a month in the West. Regrettably, he left this luxury pay behind for love of his nation and people.
4. Ayor Mach (RIP) a veteran soldier
5. Akol Garang (RIP) a veteran soldier
6. Barach Mayendit (RIP), a veteran soldier
7. Aguer Bul Yai (RIP)
8. Deng Garang (RIP), a soldier
9. Kut Apollo (RIP), a promising lawyer too from one of the Kenyan universities.

And the list goes on. And no any perpetrator has ever been brought to book. No justice served whatsoever. Their loved ones and the entire BorCommunity is still yearning for justice. The targeted killing was ignored when BorPeople were killed, now the targeted killing is taken to Aweil and Abyei and has caught attention it deserves.

Akec Mawel (RIP), known as (MonyDit waa), and Bol Miyen Deng (RIP) are first casualties. It has to be noted too that numerous Awiel youths are being arbitrarily held in the infamous jail known as MajokPiny in Juba, an action that has scared AwielBoys and most of well-educated who came from the USA, Australia, and Canada have started fleeing the country profusely. The bloody MajokPiny is where victims are held up, tortured, and killed by Akol Koor’s terrorist forces. In fact, most of General Malong’s followers are furtively eliminated without being publicly known. This means, there could be a lot more victims this author may never know.

I need to unequivocally express my gratitude to the following two sisters who made videos siding with BorPeople, Awut Chan on her Facebook made it very clear on 27.11.2017 that “Akol Koor security is destroying Kiir’s reputation deliberately and Kiir thinks he is being protected. She went on to say, Akol Koor of security is finishing young generation and this is absolutely appalling for a young nation”. Thanks you for speaking up sister.

Second, the controversial Daniella Valentino Wuol whose many online commentators thought was a hired gun by Internal Security Bureau (ISB) condemned Akol Koor and his ISB for targeted killing. She broke ties with security and the government of RSS when General Paul Malong got locked down by Akol Koor. She has now gone public convicting the death of Bol Deng Miyen (RIP) in the hands of organised forces (special operation) as Awut named them on 25.11.2017. She recommended a removal of devilish Akol Koor and a lot of people are sharing Wuol’s view.

What this writer needs to add on these, Akol Koor is slowly setting up his government within Kiir government. He is secretly recruiting and positioning the likes of Nhial Majak for future crucial positions as he aims for taking over from Kiir.

Like two Awuts clearly stated, Akol Koor is the first enemy of general Kiir if truth be told. With the way he is closing in at GenKiir, he looks like he gona kill Kiir without Kiir realising it. We are all aware that security is the primary responsibility of any functional government but Juba government is incapable of providing security to its vulnerable subjects. Instead, it kills at will as well as setting up communities against each other.

The followings are the main reasons why BorYouths are currently being targeted;
1- Akol fears such an organised force can overrun Juba should any issue arise between Bor and Juba.
2- Akol wants to inflict fear through torture, intimidation and murder so that no one ever champions such an idea of community based protection and so the community becomes vulnerable.
3- Akol and his ISB want names of those in the diaspora who mobilise resources to support BorYouth back home and I have been made aware by a reliable source within ISB that some names of prominent diaspora members had already been obtained by ISB through Nhial Majak. 90 or so names are with security.
4- Akol intents is to completely destroy BorYouth’s spirit of mobilisation and the willingness to take responsibility and protect their vulnerable ones and properties such as cattle.

I need to reiterate once more time that the ISB was able to successfully identify these youth members through recruitment of members of BorCommunity as informants headed by Nhial Majak and Ajak Bior. These informants come from previous Bor County. Particularly, they are from Anyidi. Akol Koor recruited these unpatriotic and hopeless traitors from this county and these collaborators have lured some hungry mobs and job seekers on to their dirty business and this has complicated the whole BorCommunity as they recruit as far as Duk County. But for BorCommunity to go forward we must go backward and revisit the liberation history.

In the 80s or thereabout, a gentleman from Makuac Payam turned a dangerous traitor, he stationed himself up in Bor and falsely accused all that come to Bortown as ‘Anyanya’ which led to many innocent civilians losing their lives in the infamous ‘Pane-Nyok-Agaany’ (butcher theatre) in the hands of Jallaba. Fortunately, God of PaneBoor did wonder. Malueth, famously known Kolokoth, got into trouble with his masters, he ran back to the village in Makuach. His own mother notified the SPLA in a nearby station and Kolokoth was picked up and taken to MacDeeng currently BaaiDit Payam and was fire-squad by General Kuol Manyang. Anyidi County, need to help BorPeople in sorting itself out.

My request to you leaders of these three communities in diaspora most notably USA, Australia, and Canada is to call for an urgent meeting and produce position paper which may contain the following demands;
1. Call for immediate and unconditional release of innocent BorYouths currently suffering in the secret prisons of National Security.
2. Akol Koor must be removed as head of security and the entire ISB entity needs an overhaul.
3. Murle must be disarmed by the government in January and February in 2018. If the government fails, then BorYouth will invade Pibor.
4. All BorCommunity stolen cattle, and children including the dead need to be compensated. This has to be done in the first six months of 2018. If nothing happens in these given months, BorYouth will invade Pibor.
5. Do media briefing and involve international media houses such as CNN, BBC and many other.
6. Liaise with other leaders back home including those in neighbouring countries such as Kenya and Uganda to get some updates on the accurate names and numbers of those in jail cells. I was informed that they are looking for about 95 youths or so to arrest.
7. Reach out to the United States and United Nations Agencies such as Amnesty International and human rights groups.

Final note:
There is no one from BorCommunity to rely on in South Sudan. People like Makuei, Kuol, Atem Garang, Thon Leek, Deng Dau and many more have all been cowed and they are unable to speak up about what is currently happening to their subjects. They care about their positions but not their people as I stated earlier. We, in Juba here, live in a constant fear. They know what is happening is unconstitutional because until now none of these young people had been produced in the court of law as required by the constitution.

It was last Sunday at Emmanuel Jieng Cathedral Church where I conversed with someone after service and he told me Akol asked for money to release some of these boys but not Majur and Maluak. I am humbly asking you diaspora leaders and people of goodwill to take up this responsibility and be the voice of these innocent BorYouths and your peaceful BorCommunity. I believe your voice will be heard and something will be done about this raging injustice.

BOR Youth leaders in Diaspora:

1. Akol Aguek Ngong, Bor County Chairman in (USA)
2. Kuer Dau Apai, Twi East Community Chairman in (AUS)
3. Herjok Apeech Herjok, Bor Community Chairman in (AUS)
4. Manyok Ayuen Nhial, Greator Bor Community Chairman (USA)
5. Thon Panchol Kueng, Chairman of BorYouth (AUS)
6. Chol Mawai Majok, Chairman of TwiYouth (AUS)
7. David Hoth Thon, Duk Community Chairman (USA)
8. Ayiik Chan Ayiik, Duk Community Chairman (AUS)

By, MajorComing. Reach me at

What are the Alternatives to Pres. Salva Kiir?

BY: Apioth Mayom Apioth, DEC/10/2017, SSN;

By the looks of things, Kiir Mayardit has no intention of steering the nation into the daylight. He has been the leading figure in the South Sudanese politics for twelve unimpressive years. He has become “Mr. Let’s wait and see how this problem is going to take care of itself.” His love of the leadership has blinded his conscientious self.

In ancient Africa, Kings or chiefs wielded enormous power and with this juggernaut of power came novelty. In most cases, they were principally wealthy and gave away their wealth to the downtrodden populace. For this, Kiir Mayar is trying to emulate how the traditional leaders had an open door policy and being all ears to countless number of people all at one go. He just sits there on his presumed throne and families of all kinds come to demand whatever they long for their livelihoods.

Even before his ascendancy to the upper echelon of the South Sudanese politics, his laid-back approach to everything cost many soldiers to lose their lives during our days in the bush. The first task of a leader is to be an initiator. The first to take the first step out. Salva Kiir sleeps on his duties. An influential leader cultivates trust. How does trust come about?

He/she is a selfless being that goes out of her comfort zone to make sure the lives of all individuals are secure from harm. Once the people are secure from danger, then what comes next is trust and a willingness for the general populace to heed his call for commandeering. Trust is garnered through three hard-earned steps.

First, the character of the leader must be put under the microscopic lenses for all to scrutinize. Integrity reigns supreme here. He/she is accountable and must follow through on his/her promises. Up next is competence. Is the leader in question qualified to lead the institution that he/she is vying for? Last, but not the least, is authority.

As things stand today, no one in his right mind would delegate any powers to Kiir Mayar so he can determine the fate of our nation. People began to lose trust in Kiir soon after he took over after the demise of Dr. John. Corruption became the name of the game. Insecurity was rampant and thus making everyone to fend for himself. Money was being carted away in boxes.

For someone that is this inept and incapable of taking care of his duties; one may wonder how he survived the leadership upheaval under Dr. John. What did John Garang see in him that made him stand out from the crowd?

Salva Kiir is a quiet person by nature and by the same token, he hideously swallowed his true corrupt nature so he could feed that monstrous character once the power came his way. According to the United Nations, some 2 million people are taking refuge in our neighboring countries. Another 2 million people are internally displaced.

South Sudanese who first began the refugee life in 1987 have now spent thirty years in those makeshift camps. Thirty years more and they are in their sixties, still living the hard life of a refugee. These South Sudanese nationalities are not entitled to land rights, agricultural subsidies for farming, and low taxes in their host nations; they consistently live on the hand-outs from the United Nations where the daily meal is beans.

What are the alternatives to our current quagmire?

South Sudan as a nation has not fully healed from the traumas we put ourselves through during the liberation era. From the early eighties to the early nineties, SPLA was holding the high ground in our struggle for justice; major swathes of South Sudan was liberated with the exception of few major towns that comprised of Juba, Wau, and Malakal.

After the splintering of SPLA/M into SPLA/M-Torit/Mainstream and SPLA/M-Nasir, respectively, we began to turn on ourselves and chaos started to confuse our national identity. Our adversaries in Khartoum began to buy our loyalties with the simple words of mouth. We began to switch sides to Khartoum, thinking that we can find greener pastures on that side yonder.

No tribe was invincible to the manipulative machinations of Khartoum’s age-old doctrine of divide and conquer. Our leaders ranging from Kerubino Kuanyin Bol, Arok Thon Arok, Joseph Oduho, Riek Machar Teny, Lam Akol Ajawin and even to a certain extent, William Nyuon Bany, all decided to abandon our major struggle for an unknown promise from those we were fighting against.

We were stronger when we were one collective and united force, however, after the 1991’s splintering, Khartoum regime under Omar el Bashir started to push us back into a rabbit hole. Efforts were made to create a reconciliation project and the December of 2013 crisis has shown that the reconciliation efforts were ineffective at best.

Our best bet would be for the group of South Sudan Young Leaders Forum (SSYLM), which includes the likes of Peter Biar Ajak and Manasseh Mathiang to take over the mantle of leadership in the land. This group comprises of 70 bright young South Sudanese leaders who were drawn from all the tribes in the nation.

South Sudan is a highly conservative nation; a year ago, Kenyan girls were harassed in Wau for wearing skinny jeans. Our older generation would easily dismiss the likes of SSYLM members as mere children and thus incapable of taking over the reins from Salva Kiir.

What our people fail to grasp these days, is that our young and upcoming generation lives in two competitive cultures at the same time. They live in the Western culture of iPhone and popular culture, and traditional culture where they still pay the bride price for their betrothed brides. They are the ones that are good at juggling modernity and the old way of life, whereas the older cohorts could easily be manipulated to succumb to old tribal cliches.

The older generation wants to main the status quo and the old way of life, whereby an Azande traditional dance would be deemed inappropriate by Toposa people. The Toposa would see it as an impure custom, infringing on their pure cultured way of dance. The 34 years we have spent in the diaspora since after the eruption of second Sudanese civil war, have taught this young generation to be more tolerant of their differences. Some of them have lived their entire lives outside of South Sudan, coming only for a short family visit after the signing of the CPA.

In case the upper echelon of South Sudanese politics refuse to relinquish the leadership to SSYLM, then they can bequeath the reins to Pagan Amum. Why of all people Pagan Amum? Pagan Amum is neither a Dinka nor a Nuer. He is not an Equatorian indigene, too.

After the eruption of the crisis in December of 2013, it has been the Dinka vs Equatorians vs Nuer ever since. Many would complain again of the Nuer dominance in the government if we relinquish the leadership to Taban Deng Gai or Riek Machar. The same would be the case if we hand it to James Wani Igga or Thomas Cirilo Swaka, or Joseph Bakosoro.

Our situation is quite different from the one the Rwandans face after the 1994 genocide. Paul Kagame is a Tutsi and Rwanda has only two other tribes, namely of Hutu and Twa. The majority of the army that took down the Hutu-led government were collectively Tutsi by ethnicity. As one homogeneous ethnic group, the Tutsi easily understood each other and fought for justice as one collective unit.

After Liberia plunged into two successive civil wars, they elected Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, who was regarded as a nontraditional leader, because she is a female. Mrs. Johnson defeated the former World Footballer of the Year, George Weah in the general elections and Liberia has been stable ever since.

The Dinka, Nuer, and Azande are the three largest tribes of South Sudan. By choosing Pagan Amum, we would be choosing a nontraditional leader who would stitch together the scattered parts of our nation into a wholesome and cohesive unit. For our people to continue to turn on ourselves for trivial matters as the competition for leadership is truly unfathomable.

We had it worse under successive Khartoum regimes and yet we haven’t learned a thing about how to live together as a nation. History has it that when a people went through a protracted suffering, they rise up from the ashes and used their tragic past to build better communal relations for their betterment.

Our people continue to flock to the SPLA-IO and National Salvation Front to continue to wage a non-victorious war against the inept regime of Salva Kiir. Why do we continue to lure our youth into the lion’s dent when we know better that Salva Kiir won’t budge one bit?

Even though we are one of the poorest people on earth, we should just let our youth rot in the refugee camps in our neighboring countries so they could at least live half-decently on daily meals of beans. Oh! being a refugee is way better than being dead and all bones in the coffin.