Archive for: April 2017

Governing under Pres. Kiir & vice Taban Gai is more problematic than we expected

BY: Santino Aniek, New York, USA, APR/16/2017, SSN;

I have lived for almost 40 years; I remember the war between South Sudanese and Khartoum regime, the humiliation and the shameless rebellion of 1991, the assassination of John Garang in 2005, and the senseless war of 2013. But, until now, I have never been ashamed to be a South Sudan citizen.

I always believed that, whether SPLM-IG or SPLM-IO, our leaders are basically good people who are reasonable and thoughtful, even if I did not agree with them.

But President Kiir Mayardit seems be not reasonable, his decision against the will of Ruweng people is not thoughtful, and it is considered as a brutal betrayal.

The man who President Kiir and the FVP Taban Deng Gai have chosen is a fraudster, a man who have done business with the mob, a discriminator, and a hater who thinks the people of Ruweng are always there only to serve their interest, a man who knows nothing of the world, and has no curiosity about the interest of Ruweng people.

Moreover, I do not believe that these men are good and decent people, and if they were as other people think, they should not involved in this dirty business of the FVP.

For more than ten years, we have been hearing from the so-called leaders in Juba about how horrible those who rebel against the government were, and this was the best description they could come up with.

But when it comes to cake sharing, the same horrible people will be the best people to the government to share the power with. In fact, a cruel and a rush decision by President Kiir and his FVP Taban that does not seem to have any new ideas or a reason to fix the core problems in South Sudan that has been facing our people since 2005.

It is the same reason that causes many people in South Sudan to rebel against the government of President Kiir. And at this point, it seems to prove that his decision is always about creating a conflict and not actually trying to bring every lasting peace to South Sudanese people.

Now, the ball is firmly on the court of Ruweng people, either to reject or to accept this cruel and rushed decision by two men who seem to adopt Khartoum tactic. The two men control the government and they share power by playing dirty politics.

But President Kiir made a promise in the end by assuring every Ruweng citizens around the country to stay home, the Monday rally has been cancelled, and the dialogue should continue by bringing Ruweng people’s representative to Juba.

However, the question in each and every Ruweng citizens is, did President Kiir or the Presidential Advisor, Hon. Tor Deng Mawien has lied to the people of Ruweng?

Basically a version of as a bigger false promise by President Kiir that would be better tells by the people of Ruweng a fairy tale. And now everyone with the knowledge on this issue knew it that President Kiir is not going to keep his promise because he never did.

As always the case, it is actually has to be made up of words that lead to a false promise in the highest office in the nation. Hence, that false promise has to actually tell us something about who will win, who will lose, and the people of Ruweng are the losers while the FVP Taban is now the winner of this dirty game.

Consequently, it tells who will be marginalized and how much it might cost the people of Ruweng for short-term security. And knowing that Ruweng people have the FVP’S plan in place and our people’s interest is getting picked apart by his supporters and interest groups on all sides is serious concern that need President Kiir’s reconsideration.

Because the key is that the FVP Taban is starting to look as popular as ants at a picnic in South Sudan. Today, the people of Ruweng have to guess that with the FVP Taban is running the show in the entire country, our people in Ruweng land will not like the end result of this dirty game of interest.

Therefore, our powerful friends of Ruweng people should start lining up in opposition to the President’s decision in order to reverse this betrayal against the peace loving people in the nation. This harmful decision will make Ruweng people insecure and toothless in the era of Taban Deng Gai.

Yet, perhaps the most threatening to the long-term security of Ruweng people is the return of the FVP Taban to Wuhn Danluel.

As it shows that ninety nine percent of the Ruweng people are complaining about how rushed this cruel decision was and what will likely happen to the security of our people in Ruwëng State.

Meanwhile, the hardline of power seeking want to see this effort as some sort of Taban lighting up a light to them and also as a business as usual. And they are being propelled by outside groups to welcome this cruel decision.

As a result of this cruel and rush decision, there is a lot of bad analysis in the camp of the FVP’S power seeking about what the presidential decree meant in terms of the security in Ruweng land.

But ultimately, sadly, this will be decided by the people of Ruweng of the world whether to give up and let the FVP Taban to continue to marginalize our beloved relatives one more time in the twenty first century.

Nonetheless, when doing big things is never easy, but making a promise is a lot easier in South Sudan, and this is how Ruweng people once again find themselves in the country where venerable people cannot survive.

In this toxic environment, here we stand as people of Ruweng and President Kiir is swinging the full weight of his Administration behind his FVP Taban leaving the entire population of Ruweng State in a dark hole.

But however, maybe this will be enough to wake up the skeptical people of Ruweng who seem to be overwhelmingly opposing this cruel and rushed decision by President Kiir and his FVP Taban. Or maybe this effort will fall apart in spectacular failure in the history of Ruweng people and continue to do nothing as usual.

As a fact, President Kiir has promised people of Ruweng that he will listen to them and told them that Them Machar will not take the oath of office as a governor of Ruweng State until the matter is resolved amicably base on the popular views.

But, it is likely will dramatic political theater if President Kiir and his FVP Taban refuse to listen to this peace loving people in the nation. It is just a horrible shame that the stakes being toyed with thousands of Ruweng people and their security at risk by letting Taban Deng Gai continues to marginalize our people need a serious response now.

Finally, I understand why so many South Sudanese communities are disenfranchised and disillusioned, why there is mistrust of the government, and deep-seated issues with President Kiir, but I never, ever thought that this will result in putting Taban Deng Gai over the people of Ruweng’s interest because this people stood with President Kiir long enough to be rewarded like any other community who are enjoying due to their minimal contribution.

It is true governing in the entire is difficult, but betrayal and difficulty are not the same. More importantly, I know many people believe that smart people and smart policies makers can fix our corrupt system of government in South Sudan. President Kiir seems to think this way.

I’m assuming that President Kiir suggested during the national prayer day that his government and the community relations could be improved meaningfully by accepting responsibility and accountability. Yes, a responsibility and accountability.

With this cruel and rushed decision, I no longer believe that Juba is willing to fix the problem, as though the leadership in Juba is anything other than a mirror reflecting back to us the true nature of our democracy.

They cannot fix the problem without a revolution of values and radical change to the basic structure of their leadership in Juba. Of course important policy changes can and should be made to improve government practices unless President Kiir reconsider this cruel and rushed decision, or it will cause in South Sudan.

Furthermore, if we are serious about having peace in our country rather than a government at war with its own people, then we are going to have to get honest with ourselves about whom our government actually serves and protect or else to unity.

Santino Aniek is a concerned South Sudanese in Upstate New York, U.S.A. He can be reached at and find me on Facebook, on Skype and on twitter @saniek.

BREAKING STORY: Kiir signs suspicious oil agreements to turn around fortunes of economy

By: JULIUS BARIGABA, TheEastAfrican, APR/15/2017, SSN;

The South Sudanese government is signing deals with suspected wheelerdealers, some of whom may be out to take advantage of Juba’s financial crisis.

In less than four months, President Salva Kiir, who is presiding over a cashstrapped economy torn apart by a conflict that is teetering towards genocide, has received offers from agents of established companies, organisations and non-descript financing groups, all dangling deals worth billions of dollars that critics warn will mortgage the country and its resources for generations.

Critics in Juba worry that President Kiir’s desperation to get cash may push him into the hands of outright conmen and that even genuine companies could take advantage to secure sweet deals for themselves while leaving the country with peanuts.

International fixers are reportedly operating out of the regional capitals of Kampala, Nairobi, Addis Ababa as well as other African cities and some European capitals, setting up meetings between the president himself and other top government officials — the Juba teams are only too willing to go along.

First in was the Luxembourg-based investment fund Suiss Finance Luxembourg AG, which towards the end of 2016 made an offer of €10 billion ($10.5 billion) that could rise to €100 billion ($105 billion), to finance projects through joint ventures in infrastructure, transportation, oil and energy.

International fixers are reportedly operating out of the regional capitals of Kampala, Nairobi, Addis Ababa as well as other African cities and some European capitals.
Juba government is looking to new entrants and deals in its oil sector to boost oil production and provide an escape route from empty coffers.


President Kiir’s critics and Sudan observers immediately flagged this deal after it was publicised in the media.

A South Africa-based South Sudan academic familiar with goings-on in Africa’s youngest country warned the deal was bogus. Refusing to give his name for fear of endangering his family still trapped in the intricate war in the south of the country, the academic challenged journalists to dig deeper into the deal.

Investigations conducted by this newspaper revealed that shadowy Kampala businessmen had brokered the deal but efforts to get one of the principals to speak on it were futile as multiple phone numbers given as his contacts were unavailable.

On March 6, Juba signed a deal with Oranto Petroleum to invest $500 million in the country to develop South Sudan’s oil in Block B3 covering 25,150 square kilometres, paving the way for the oil company’s “comprehensive exploration campaign, starting immediately.”

South Sudan’s Ministry of Petroleum and Oranto Petroleum signed the exploration and production sharing agreement for the block, in which Oranto will be the technical operator and 90 per cent shareholder, while the Juba government’s Nile Petroleum (Nilepet) takes a 10 per cent stake.

The EastAfrican could not confirm with the South Sudanese embassy in Kampala, if the cash from any of these deals has come through as Ambassador Samuel Luate was reportedly out, attending a meeting, and the only official in the mission was “not in line to speak about the matter.”

Mr Luate’s office promised to respond later, but by press time had not returned our calls.

Another deal on oil and gas collaboration was signed on March 20, this time with Equatorial Guinea, to share knowledge and resources, promote investment and for Equatorial Guinea to provide training to South Sudanese personnel and advise on licensing as Juba’s current licensing round nears conclusion.

Details on the progress and execution of these offers so far remain scanty, although the Oranto deal has attracted the most criticism in Juba.

Apparently, technical officials in the Ministry of Petroleum compiled and handed over a report to Petroleum Minister Ezekiel Lul Gatkuoth, indicating that Oranto lacked both the technical expertise and financial capacity to handle 90 per cent of the block.

In spite of the report, critics indicate that powerful figures and wheelerdealers in Juba were holding the government to ransom and pushing for the deal to be signed, regardless of any amount of criticism and queries over Oranto’s transparency and capacity.

Prince Arthur Eze, founder and chairman of Oranto Petroleum said his company is “at the vanguard of African firms exploring and developing African assets” but also hinted that the company would collaborate with “our partners to bring to light the immense potential of Block B3.”

Oranto is a subsidiary of Atlas Petroleum International Ltd, both forming the Atlas Group, a wholly owned Nigerian private firm.

“We believe the petroleum resources of Block B3 are vast. To reach our target of more than doubling current oil production, we need committed new entrants like Oranto,” said Mr Gatkuoth.

The sister companies of the Atlas Oranto Group own and operate 20 oil and gas acreages in 10 African countries in Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Liberia, Namibia, Nigeria, São Tomé and Príncipe, Senegal and South Sudan. Founded in Nigeria in 1991, the group is Africa’s largest domestic explorer by acreage.

But in a number of countries, Oranto has been cited in irregular deals that enabled it to get oil deals over the line, usually, acting as a middleman for big oil companies to whom it sells its exploration rights later on.

In 2006 and 2007, a report by the Liberian Auditing Commission named Oranto in a bribery scandal for allegedly paying a total of $118,400 to legislators as the company sought parliament’s approval to grant it the right to develop or sell concessions to bigger oil companies.

Oranto had negotiated production sharing contracts for three out of four concessions with the National Oil Company of Liberia (NOCAL) but the company needed parliament to ratify them before it could sell to another party, hence the bribes.

Rights to sell concessions
Once the lawmakers were handed the sweeteners, Oranto was granted the right to sell its three concessions to Chevron in 2010, and as of 2012, the US oil giant owned a 70 per cent stake in each of Oranto’s offshore blocks.

Industry watchdog Global Witness also says NOCAL awarded Oranto concessions without the oil prospecting firm ever putting in a bid, while in Mali, Oranto’s was one of a dozen exploration agreements cancelled in 2014 over “various offences.”

The manner in which the Nigerian firm acquired exploration blocks in Sao Tome and Principe was also characterised by irregularities.

By press time, Oranto had not responded to The EastAfrican over the issues of lack of transparency and the risks in investing in conflict-ridden South Sudan.

Yet the Juba government is looking to these new entrants and deals in its oil sector to boost oil production and provide an escape route from empty coffers.
“The government is working hard to reinvigorate the petroleum industry in South Sudan by creating an enabling environment for international oil and gas companies to invest and operate. It is up to the oil companies to come in, explore and produce. Partnership is what fuels the oil industry,” said Mr Gatkuoth. END

Exposing The Dirty Politics in the Office of the President

By: Daniel Juol Nhomngek, Kampala, Uganda, APR/13/2017, SSN;

This article is purposely written to expose the dirty politics that’s going on in the Office of the President of South Sudan, Salva Kiir. In doing that my approach will be as follows: first, I will describe, define and discuss the meaning of politics in general, then relates it to South Sudan and the Office of the President of South Sudan in particular.

After that I will discuss reasons to support my argument that politics is not a dirty game but a good game played by dirty politicians. Thus, I begin in the order as given.

In order to effectively explain how dirty the politics is, let’s begin with the quotation of James McGreevey who once said, “We are losing sight of civility in government and politics. Debate and dialogue is taking a back-seat to the politics of destruction and anger and control. Dogma has replaced thoughtful discussion between people of differing views”.

Hence, the above quotation of James clearly describes our political scene as we see in South Sudan today as politics that exists in the country is that of destruction but not for development.

Consequently, as Donald Trump pointed out, “One of the key problems today is that politics is such a disgrace, good people don’t go into government”. Exactly, in South Sudan politics is hijacked by sycophants, cronies and miscreants, which have turned politics into a dirty game and blocked out good people of the government.

The summary of the above description of politics is that it is the dirty politics. When politics is being played by wrong people then wrong methods such as bribery, corruption and fraud may be used in order to win the opponents politically, thus some people may conclude that politics is a dirty game.

However, it must be observed and stressed that such a statement is not correct since politics is not a game with general rule because it differs from one country to the other, from one person to the other and from one system to the other.

Because of that the difference in politics as pointed out above proves that what differs are the methods and concept of politics not politics itself, which shows that holding other things constant, then we can say that politics is not a dirty game but it is a good game played by dirty people which makes it become dirty as it is played with dirty hands.

The above statement is true in relation to South Sudan and the office of the president in particular. The Office of the President of South Sudan is run on bad politics as betrayal, original sin, greed, corruption, discrimination, gossip and hatred are order of the day.

That office is turned into business where those working there derive profits as some of those working in that office are more of brokers than government employees.

Thus, there is a lot of evidence to back up the above statement, which shows that it can be proved beyond reasonable doubt.

In other words, it can be proved that Government employees in the office of the President are brokers or business people dressed in presidential aides’ clothes.

For example, two or three years ago senior President Officials were accused of stealing millions of dollars from state coffers and forging the president’s signature, according to Ateny Wek Ateny, presidential spokesman.

The investigation into the allegation of forgery as mentioned in the above paragraph concluded that President Kiir’s signature was forged on documents that ordered the withdrawal of funds from the Central bank of South Sudan on several occasions.

In that respect, millions of dollars, as well as millions of South Sudanese pounds, were allegedly withdrawn with the forged documents.

As a result of the said forgery and stealing of money of the nation, the chief administrator and the executive director were tried and sentenced to life imprisonment.

What makes the office of the President susceptible to corruption and stealing of the money of the nation is due to the lack of transparency. In fact, opponents have said that the President is to blame for not implementing measures in the office that ensure transparency, due diligence, as well as enforced checks and balances.

They also said the scandal echoes their concerns that the government in Juba is way over its head in the country’s governance.

In general what makes politics a dirty game in the office of the President of South Sudan are the following:—

First of all, majority of those working in the office of the President are brokers. For example, they have turned the office into their personal business ventures. This is because they have controlled over the president and unless if one wants to meet the President then he or she must pay before he or she is allowed to see or to meet with the president.

In addition, as many sources have revealed, if the president has granted some money to any person such a person will never get that money unless he or she gives them percentage of that money based on the scale that they have set themselves and depending on the amount granted.

It also appears that the posts in the government are being sold to the highest bidders and friends. This is proved by the fact that in some instances the decrees that are issued and announced in appointing the person in or in sacking a person from the government are sometimes issued without the knowledge of the president.

This can be explained by the fact that there are many instances where the President may issue a decree today appointing a person but on the following day reissues another decree relieving the same person.

If that is not the case, how will one explain such a scenario?

In addition, there have been instances where the president begins to protest when the decree in appointing or dismissing the government official is being announced on the South Sudan Broadcasting Service (SSBC).

One of the sad and clear examples of manipulation of the President’s decree was when a certain government employee was dismissed because of refusing to sign the documents, which was illegally obtained.

As a result of his refusal, the holder of that particular document was annoyed, and consequently promised that particular government official would be sacked, and indeed, he was sacked the same day. This takes me to my second point.

Secondly, there have been numerous complaints against those working in the President’s office. For instance, the Minister in the office of the President has been termed as the “Poison in the Office of the President”.

This was published on Nyamilepedia website on March 25, 2017, Michael Joseph in his article entitled “Mayiik Ayii Deng – a Poison in the Office of the President” poured out his anger with the way Minister Mayiik treated people including Ministers and army as was indicated by the reference to Akol Paul, the Deputy Minister of Information and General Paul Malong Awan, the General Chief of Staff.

In that Article, Joseph Michael attacked Mayiik Ayii that he is intimidating the Management of Nilepet and conspiring with his cronies to control the Oil Sector.

He further pointed out that Mayiik Ayii Deng intimidated the Management of Nilepet to settle his unnecessary bills and that he had purchased a luxury house in Nairobi in December 2016 after getting kickbacks from Oil Operating Company.

Michael Joseph also pointed out that there is serious administrative strife between the Minister and the Administration in the Office of the President over the Minister’s overspending of the funds, besides that his working relations with Staff are seriously deteriorating.

That Mayiik is conspiring to replace the senior officials in the Presidency with his corrupt friends as he did in the Oil sector.

Michael further pointed out that Mayiik doesn’t want any person who is an obstacle to his organized theft in the Presidency. This proves my first point that decrees are issued without the knowledge of the president.

There have been a lot of allegations of the Minister in the Office of the President refusing to pick up phone calls including the calls from other government ministers. This has created uncertainty and suspicion in the government.

There are also issues of allegations of discrimination in the way advisors to the president are treated. Clearly and in principle, advisors are supposed to be equal and because of that must be accorded equal treatment.

However, those working in the office of the President discriminate against others while favouring other advisors hence creating different classes within the advisory board to the president.

In addition, student leaders have been treated differently. For instance, the student leader from former Warrap State or Aweil is more favoured than those who come from other states.

The clear example is that of Acuil Chok, the former Chairperson of Bhar El Ghazal Youth Union in Uganda who was more favoured than Mabior Ikau simply because Acuil came from Warrap.

In the same way, Makuei Aguer and Akol Akol were favoured because they came from Aweil and the Former Warrap State respectively. Hence, they were allowed without any difficulty to meet with the president.

However, when Arop Kumbai, the current President of South Sudanese Students’ Union in Uganda recently visited South Sudan and when he requested the Minister in the office of the President, Mayiik Ayii to be allowed to meet with the President he was denied because he was not from any of the states mentioned above.

In summary, it is important to let the cat out of the basket so that:
1- the dirty politics in the office of the president is exposed to the public, which is represented by forged decrees to dismiss government officials or appoint them;

2- by the rampant leakages of State secrets that have rocked the office of the President, which has caused a lot of suspicions in the government;

3- the Minister in the Office of the President and others who are working there have completely controlled the president and are now the ones running the country and all South Sudanese should hold them accountable for the mess taking place currently in the country.

In order to save the nation, the President should clear the State House of those brokers who have turned the house of the nation into business centre.

The President should adopt the approach of Jesus’ cleansing of the Temple narrative, which tells of Jesus expelling the merchants and the money changers from the Temple.

In that account, Jesus and his disciples travel to Jerusalem for Passover, where Jesus expels the merchants and money changers from the Temple, accusing them of turning the Temple into “a den of thieves” through their commercial activities.

Hence, the President should shake up the office and recruit those who are ready to serve the nation but not personal interest or benefits.

NB//the author is human rights lawyer and can be reached through: or +256783579256
NB: Since writing this article, the author reportedly said he has received negative response from his Dinka community for his criticism. Even his ‘uncle’ Daniel Awet, an adviser to the president, advised him to apologize and desist from being critical to the president.

This is what the author, Mr. Daniel Juol concluded his response: “In summary, what I wanted to say is that I am not going to apologize to anyone including State Security Personnel whom I heard that they are demanding an apology from me or come for me.
The fact is that the liberation war of South Sudan started when I was there, I know how women, children and elderly suffered under the SPLA/M when they were rebels and how they are still suffering from the problems caused by our leaders including the President.
Because of that I cannot keep quiet or apologize to validate wrong things.
In fact, the State House has its contribution to the sufferings of South Sudanese due to the problems I discussed in that article which I expected that the officials in the State House must reform but demanding from me that I must apologize is going too far.
In addition, I am not a rebel and I do not dream of becoming one but I must fight for the reform through my skills of writing.
Besides, I am ordinary citizen and I am not a politician so my writing was based on the truth as the officials in the State House have acknowledged it.
In short, I would like to conclude by saying that an apology might help, but I can change my life without one.
As I have already promised in the introduction to this work, after writing about dirty politics in the State House, I have completed the project on politics and I am now going to concentrate on subject of peace and national dialogue in South Sudan so that South Sudanese. How peace can be achieved in order to achieve justice, liberty and prosperity.

Lam’s NDM welcomes British description of crimes against civilians as genocide


The National Democratic Movement (NDM) welcomes and commends the remarks made by the British Secretary of State for International Development, Rt. Hon. Priti Patel on 12th April, in which she described the atrocities committed against innocent civilians in South Sudan as crimes amounting to a genocide.

These remarks come at a time when the dictatorial and genocidal regime of President Kiir has escalated its scotched-earth policy of burning villages and killing of other nationalities across the country based purely on their ethnicity, particularly in Upper Nile, Equatoria and recently in Wau town, Western Bahr el Ghazal.

The Juba regime has sadly decided to condemn large portion of South Sudanese population to death through starvation by adopting the policy of using food as a weapon of war.

On numerous occasions the dictatorial and genocidal regime of Kiir has impeded and blocked the delivery of the much needed humanitarian assistance reaching their intended destinations in the famine affected areas.

The National Democratic Movement (NDM) believes these actions amount to crimes against humanity and the regime must be held accountable for the death of civilians resulting from such inhuman policies.

We also call upon the international community especially, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) African Union (AU) IGAD and Torika to come up with a robust action plan of preventing the government of South Sudan from committing further genocide against innocent civilians.

The regional and sub-regional organizations have been silent in condemning or taking tangible
actions against the dictatorial and genocidal regime in Juba.

It is time to stand with the innocent children, women and elderly being killed on daily basis by their own regime because of their tribal affiliations.

As much as we acknowledge the notion that African problems need African solutions, nevertheless, we are disappointed that IGAD has not lived up to the expectations of South Sudan
people, in condemning the continuous government’s atrocities which have now reached unprecedented level of genocide.

How long will the region bury its head in the sand while innocent south Sudanese are perishing at the hands of their own government?

The bold determination of the U.K. that the situation in South Sudan amounts to genocide confirms the fear expressed earlier by the UN SG’s Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide and must be taken seriously.

We appeal to all countries to break silence and follow their conscience as the U.K. has done.

Long live the struggle of our People
Long live South Sudan
A luta continua
Amb. Emmanuel Aban
For/ the Spokesman,
The National Democratic Movement (NDM)

Kiir’s Dinka Army commits Ethnic Cleansing on the Fertit & Lou people of Wau

APR/11/2017, SSN;

Announcement by the Government of Wau Federal State in Opposition.

Government of Wau Federal State in Opposition would like to express its concern about the appalling situation in the state where there is increase of the Internal Displaced Persons in the UNMISS and Churches in the recent event of the ethnic cleansing and indiscriminate attacks by the government troops and its militias against the innocent civilians.

Since April 4th, 2017 the regime in Juba has launched a full scale offensive in Besselia, Baggari, Bazia, and Kuajena counties where the Kiir SPLM/A government troops have been defeated by the Western Bahar Al Ghazal Lion Forces WBGLF.

On Monday April 10, 2017 and specifically in the Wau city, the government troops and its militia, who are entirely from members of Dinka tribe, turned their guns on the civilians, searching house to house and killing unarmed population in areas inhabited mostly by Fertit and Lou tribes.

The Government of Wau Federal State in opposition would like to re-express its concern about the killing and the instigated Humanitarian crises in the state.

The government of Wau Federal State in Opposition strongly condemn the attack by the government troops and its Dinka militias, where the government troops killed in cold blood hundreds of innocent civilians.

The government of the state would like to ask the International Community, including United Nations and other Non-governmental Organizations NGOs to interfere and safe the lives of thousands of the innocent citizens in the state.

(N.B. The UN and the international community, in fact, today has declared what the Kiir government is doing is tantamount to ‘ethnic cleansing’ as particular tribes are severely targeted by the Army (SPLA) and Dinka tribal militia in the direct command of the government.

Already, since the start of this way, nearly 2 millions South Sudanese have crossed the borders as refugees fleeing from the ethnic war taking place in South Sudan).

The government of Wau Federal State in Opposition would like to ask the UN to call for urgent meeting, to discuss and to condemn the perpetration of ethnic cleansing against Fertit and Lou tribes, by Dinka militias.

Western Bahr Al Ghazal citizens around the world should be informed that their community back home, the Fertit and the Lou tribes, have been left alone by the International Community, to face the killing machine in Juba.

The International Community has been watching in silence the atrocities been committed against the Fertit and the Lou tribes by the regime of Salva Kiir Mayardit.

The government of Wau Federal State in Opposition would like to call upon all the people of Western Bahar Ghazal globally to come together, unite and help support their fellow citizens and beloved ones in the state back home.

The evil is still planning to eliminate your entire relatives from the motherland.

Major General Dominic Ukelo

Governor of Wau Federal State in opposition

National Democratic Movement (NDM) Condemnation of Wau Town Killing of Innocent Civilians by Kiir’s government


Press Release:
The National Democratic Movement (NDM) condemns in the strongest terms the on-going killing and maiming of innocent civilians in Wau town (Western Bahr el Ghazal), by the genocidal and dictatorial regime of Kiir and its affiliated militias.

Today, the government of South Sudan embarked on scotched-earth policy in Wau town, where its militia are going house to house searching and killing people hailing from other non-Dinka tribes residing in Wau.

It is to be recalled that last week similar targeting and murdering of innocent civilians mostly from the Acholi ethnic group occurred in the village of Pajok in Eastern Equatoria.

These escalations of violence against civilians across South Sudan are consistent reminders that the tribalistic and dictatorial regime of Kiir has commenced its policy of ethnic cleansing against other nationalities that are perceived to be resisting its policy of tribal hegemony in the country.

Few months ago the United Nations adviser on the prevention of genocide, Mr. Adam Dieng, made a chilling remark regarding the looming genocide in South Sudan, sadly its predictions are becoming a reality under Kiir’s regime and his Jieng Council of Elders.

While the regime talks loudly about its unpopular project of national dialogue, the same regime is now busy committing gross human rights violations and crimes against humanity.

The National Democratic Movement (NDM) calls upon the international community, particularly, TROIKA, IGAD and UNMISS to hold the government of South Sudan accountable for the killing of innocent civilians in Wau town and to issue condemnation against the atrocities committed by the regime.

As the international community decry the killing of civilians in Syria, it is time for the international community to collectively put an end to the culture of impunity in South Sudan.

We also call on the United Nations Security Council, especially the United States of America as the penholder for South Sudan, to call for an urgent Security Council meeting regarding the unfolding genocide taking place now in South Sudan.

Enough is enough and it is time for the United Nations to take punitive actions against the Juba regime.

Long live the struggle of our people
Long live South Sudan
Aluta continua.

Ambassador; Emmanuel Aban
For/ the Spokesman
National Democratic Movement (NDM)

Bakosoro’s SSNMC troubled by Kiir’s barbaric Parajok massacre

The Chairman of South Sudan National Movement for Change [SSNMC), Col. Joseph Bangasi
Bakosoro and the entire leadership are deeply troubled by the barbaric door-to-door massacre of
innocent civilians conducted on 04th April 2017 by the SPLA and its affiliated tribal militia known as Mathiang Anyoor in Acholi Land (Parajok) County of Eastern Equatoria State, South Sudan.

These heinous crimes of genocide, rape of women and children, looting and destruction to
properties in Equatoria, Western Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile cannot go without the knowledge
of the world.

It is worth noting that this barbaric act by the regime is a clear message to the regional leaders and indeed the whole world that President Salva Kiir cannot be trusted in whatever statement of commitments to peace he made, therefore he and his JCE are not ready for peace.

The world is reminded that, on 25th March 2017, at the IGAD summit held in Nairobi Kenya, President Salva Kiir announced a unilateral ceasefire and offered amnesty to all the oppositions while calling upon all actors to join the national dialogued.

However, no one would have expected that barely two weeks later, the same President Salva Kiir has unleashed his tribal militia against innocent civilians in the Acholi land in Pajok where thousands of civilians has been brutally murdered, tortured, and properties either looted or destroyed.

It is to be noted that any government that kills its own civil population cannot claim to be
legitimate. This killing is part of planned genocide perpetrated against the people of Equatoria, Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile.

The SSNMC leadership and the entire members condemn in the strongest terms possible this
barbaric and senseless massacre of innocent civilians in Pajok, Kajokeji and other parts of the

We call upon President Salva Kiir to halt the on-going military operations against
civilians in Kajo keji, Yei and other parts of the country forthwith.

The SSNMC further calls on the international community, the regional bodies and all concerned
peace loving people to intervene to stop the looming genocide in South Sudan and work for a
speedy genuine and lasting peace.

Given the escalating violence in South Sudan, we urged the international community and the
regional body, IGAD, to agree with us that there is no peace in the county therefore, the need for renegotiation of peace that is inclusive and comprehensive becomes inevitable.

Contact: Daniel Zingifuaboro
Phone: +61474047016

Power, burgeoning parasitic capitalism & ethnic nationalism: South Sudan Self-destruction

From: Peter Adwok Nyaba , South Sudan, APR/08/2017, SSN;

Introductory remarks:
The legendary riddle of ‘chicken and egg’ corroborates the current realities of South Sudan civil war, whose effects have rendered irrelevant its causes and triggers, but at the same time have left the culprits, the victims and the mediators bewildered.

The absence of policy tools to address the crisis (writes Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba) left the region and the international community with only two options: confine Dr. Riek Machar to South Africa, and give President Salva Kiir six months to clear the SPLM/A (IO). The consequences now register as dire humanitarian situation, refugees and famine.

A few days ago, Mr. Festus Mogae, Chairman of Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC) paid a visit to Dr. Riek Machar Teny-Dhurgon, the SPLM/A (IO) leader holed up in South Africa since November 2016. The purpose of the visit was to ask Dr. Riek to renounce violence, declare unilateral ceasefire and come back to Juba to join the national dialogue (ND) President Salva Kiir decreed last December. It was like adding insult to injury.

Mr. Mogae’s mission proves the very truth that the cause of the war is trying to catch up with its effects in view of the message he delivered. Mr. Mogae’s mandate is to monitor and to evaluate the implementation of the agreement on resolution of crisis in South Sudan (ARCISS).

Since July 2016, Mr. Mogae has been telling the world the opposite of what actually was happening in South Sudan. Intimidated by Information minister, Makuei et al, Mr. Mogae is reduced to a messenger; ferrying messages from President Salva Kiir Mayardit and the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) to Dr. Riek Machar.

This new assignment undoubtedly puts Mr. Mogae in an embarrassing situation of admitting that ARCISS is definitely dead and this necessitates a return to the drawing board.

The genesis of the crisis:

The Republic of South Sudan unfortunately did not avoid the pitfall most post-colonial African countries fell into on independence -organizing power and politics based on personality, ethnicity and regionalism instead of ideas and political programs.

We’ve somewhere attributed this to ideological poverty and the paradigm shift the SPLM made in the nineties in the context of thawing of the cold war and the collapse of Soviet Union. The recoil from revolutionary politics to liberal and neo-liberal brought in its wake the ethnicization of SPLM public power and authority.

The signing of comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) heralding the independence as especially following the tragic demise of Dr. John Garang de Mabior and the ascension of Salva Kiir Mayardit to the helm, the assumption that it was Dinka power, started to take roots.

The witch-hunt against the so-called Garang’s orphans was to remove from the SPLM/A hierarchy non-Dinka as well as non-Bahr el Ghazalians. There was no way of removing Dr. Riek Machar and the Nuers. So, the power configuration appeared Dinka-Nuer alliance in the political, military and civil service.

It was taken for granted that the Dinka (Salva Kiir) would be president because of their numerical weight. The Nuer (Dr. Riek Machar) would deputize him and the Equatorian (James Wani Igga) remain the Hon. Speaker of the National Legislature.

Translated into executive portfolios, in a cabinet of thirty, there were sixteen Dinka, six Nuer, two Chollo, one Azande, one Bari and one Balanda. This power arrangement engendered political exclusion, discrimination and marginalization of the smaller ethnicities.

In the army, the Dinka had the highest numbers in the officers’ corps while the Nuer were seventy percent of the soldiers.

The Dinka and Nuer controlled between themselves the civil service top positions not based on merits but political patronage. Many Dinka and Nuer people returning from the Diaspora especially US, Canada and Australia had no knowledge of skills demanded by the senior positions they occupied leading to paralysis of the system.

The political contradictions inherent in such a power configuration were bound to erupt into violence. This occurred on 15 December 2013 with the target massacres of ethnic Nuers in Juba.

Initially, the perception among many South Sudanese was that it was a Dinka-Nuer affair, explaining the indifference and lack of solidarity with the Nuer victims. This neutrality remained until combative Dinka ethnic nationalism now at the centre stage directing the war started aggressing and provoking other ethnicities to take up arms.

In August 2015, the government of South Sudan, the SPLM in opposition, the SPLM former political detainees, the other political parties, the Women Group, the Faith based Group and Civil Society Organizations signed the peace agreement.

In April 2016, the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) was established. Barely two months in the implementation of ARCISS war erupted again. Two factors contributed to this renewed war, namely, were the Establishment Order 36/2015 (EO36/2015) and the refusal to establish cantonment camps for SPLA IO in Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal.

The violent events in July 2016 leading to the collapse of both the TGoNU and ARCISS have created new realities

The rise of Dinka ethnic nationalism, with its ideology of Dinka (Jieng) ethnic supremacy über alles, and the formation of the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) as a power broker around President Salva Kiir became the rallying point for unity of all Jieng sections and subsections in what apparently has become a Jieng war against all others.

This may appear simplistic, but the rise of Dinka ethnic nationalism has efficaciously transformed the character of the conflict into a ‘Dinka war,’ in the guise of the government of South Sudan (SPLA), against all other nationalities opposed to Dinka hegemony and domination.

President Salva Kiir Mayardit admitted this in the Transitional National Legislative Assembly (TNLA) on 19 October 2016 that “the Nuers have rebelled and the other ethnicities refused or have boycotted the SPLA and therefore I had nowhere to look for troops to fight the war” (sic).

The upsurge of Dinka ethnic nationalism and the formation of the JCE are sides of the same coin of right wing politics in South Sudan. It is not the first time the Dinka political elites have fostered ‘Dinka Unity’ as a counter to one of their number losing power.

The call for ‘Dinka Unity’ emerged in late seventies of the last century in order to protect Abel Alier’s presidency of the High Executive Council (HEC) in the defunct Southern Region. It has now emerged as an important factor in the conflict to protect the power of President Salva Kiir Mayardit.

However, unlike its past variant, Dinka ethnic nationalism (now organized under the auspices of JCE chaired by Justice Ambrose Riiny Thiik) has come against a backdrop of an alliance between the Dinka politico-military-business elite – a parasitic capitalist class, (Salva Kiir has nurtured since 2005) and the regional and multinational comprador capitalism interested in the extraction, development and exploitation of South Sudan vast natural resource potential.

Consequent to, and through this alliance, President Salva Kiir consolidated his hold on political and executive powers by engineering a totalitarian regime as a vehicle to facilitate this extraction.

To accomplish this he had to paralyze the organizational and political functions of the SPLM as the ruling party. Thus, instead of institutionalizing, President Salva Kiir personified power and governed through presidential decrees and orders.

He embarked on the formation of ethnic and regional caucuses in the legislative and executive organs of the state and encouraged the emergence of ethnic and regional associations and lobby groups as a means of entrenching a system of political patronage.

In the course of a few years, the Dinka ethnic nationalism, Salva Kiir’s kleptocratic totalitarianism, and the natural resource extraction opportunities blended into an explosive admixture, which drives the nefarious policy decisions fueling the conflict in South Sudan.

These policy decisions like the Executive Order 36/2015 speak to this explosive admixture in the context of capitalist utilitarianism in the form of land for investment in mechanized commercial agricultural farming and livestock ranching.

This makes the Order the most contentious piece of legislation. It not only divides South Sudan into 28 dysfunctional states, but also awards the Dinka 42% of South Sudan land area making it the most contentious piece of legislation.

This order, through alteration of administrative boundaries and creation of new states, dispossesses and transfers to the Dinka ownership ancestral lands of other nationalities in Western Bahr el Ghazal [Fertit in Raga] and Upper Nile [Chollo, Maaban, Koma and Nuer].

This decision was not in response to explosion of Dinka population but in a colonial pattern, to evict people, if necessarily by force of arms, to make land available to foreign investors.

That it also permits pastoral Dinka communities unhindered access to, and settlement with their herds in, sedentary agricultural areas in Equatoria and Western Bahr el Ghazal has led to the growth of anti-Dinka sentiments throughout South Sudan with the consequence that innocent Dinka civilians were caught up in the fury.

The fallacy of existential threat:

The killing of innocent Dinka on the roads in Equatoria has prompted some Dinka intellectuals, to raise the point that there is an existential threat to Dinka people in South Sudan. This could not be further from the truth.

If there is any existential threat in South Sudan, it is the smaller ethnicities in Western Bahr el Ghazal who in addition to the socio-economic and political exclusion, discrimination and marginalization they have suffered over the decades, are now faced with brutalization, dehumanization, physical and cultural extinction consequent to annexation of Raga to some parts of Awiel.

The Acholi, Madi, Moro, Balanda and others face existential threat consequent to destruction of their livelihood and culture. The invasion by pastoral communities into their sedentary agricultural ecology is an existential threat.

The Chollo are facing an existential threat from their Padang Dinka neighbours who with the support of the government of South Sudan, in the person of President Salva Kiir, are dispossessing them of their ancestral lands on east bank of River Nile.

What I want to emphasize here is that it is the small ethnicities because they do not possess economic or political/military power who face this existential threat but not those large ethnicities in possession of state power.

These intellectuals, some feigning liberalism, have raised the existential threat only to justify their tacit support for Salva Kiir’s totalitarianism. Many of these intellectuals were known opponents of President Salva Kiir yet they refused to join the armed opposition to the regime.

They have not condemned the horrendous crimes ‘Dotku beny’ and ‘Mathiang anyoor’ (Dinka militias) committed since 2013. They have drummed up that due to this existential threat it has forced the Dinka to rally behind Salva Kiir and the JCE.

This is thrash and the only credible explanation for this rhetoric is ethnic solidarity. The truth is that the conflict has become one against sixty-three and that by whatever magic, the one cannot win against sixty-three.

This brings us to another disturbing reality linked to state formation and nation building in South Sudan. The ethnic and regional dimensions of the war are becoming prominent with the emergence and proliferation of armed oppositions groups ethnic and regional in character.

The struggle against Dinka ethnic nationalism and the burgeoning parasitic capitalist class, we categorized as the ‘explosive admixture’, in the absence of a unifying ideological thrust renders the three categories harbingers of South Sudan’s self-destruction. This plays out negatively.

First, the presence of many separate and competing armed groups without a political agreement to enable them cohabitate and operate against the regime in close proximity is bound to generate frictions, tensions and even violence. This occurred in January between the SPLM/A (IO) and the newly formed (Dr. Lam Akol’s) National Democratic Movement (NDM).

This weakened the two groups through loss of human life and military hardware thus playing into the hands of the government. The least thing opposition groups should do is to fight among themselves no matter how difficult the situation.

Secondly, the ethnic backlash pushes to the background, if not into the oblivion, the state formation and nation building objectives, which raise the possibility of South Sudan disintegrating into ungovernable pieces. The competing regional political, economic and security interests will definitely accentuate this scenario.

The military presence in South Sudan of Uganda and Ethiopia might encourage Kenya and the Sudan to send their troops under the guise of maintaining peace ala Somalia while in fact they are balance their respective interests.

Thirdly, proliferation of armed opposition spells their weakness thus prolonging the life of the totalitarian regime. This will have the negative psychological impact on the people, who politically and ideologically, have not sufficiently prepared for a protracted war. As their social and economic situation continues to deteriorate, in face of the deepening economic crisis of the regime and famine, many of them will flee into refuge in the neighbouring countries.

Fourth, in spite of the ethnic power fanfare and pride, the Dinka are not culturally homogenous. There is latent power struggle between the eastern (Bor) and western (Rek) Dinka, which could erupt into violence as the social and economic situation become untenable.

This plays into the second scenario accelerating the disintegration invoking the UN trusteeship peddled by some political leaders. UN trusteeship of South Sudan will freeze without resolving the fundamental contradiction, given the heightened ethnic furore.

What should be done?

South Sudan is going through an irreconcilable contradiction between the totalitarian regime and the masses of the people. The emerging ethnic character apart, the resolution of this contradiction will not be on the basis of power-sharing and effecting superficial reforms in the system.

The ARCISS is outmoded that any group hinging its hope on its resuscitation will be courting the perpetuation of conflict. The existence of many armed and opposition parties is indicative of the multiple layers of the problem, which therefore necessitates its deeper knowledge and scientific understanding.

It’s obvious we are aware of the problem facing the people of South Sudan. What seems not very obvious to all the political groups is that their continued independent actions work to prolong the suffering of the people of South Sudan.

In August 2016, Dr. Lam Akol initiated what was then dubbed “Consultative Meeting of the Opposition Groups.” It was one-step in the right direction. The political leaders might want to take the resolutions of that meeting a step further in the form of negotiating a charter and programme for working together to remove the totalitarian regime.

The region and the international community have no more policy tools for unlocking the impasse and it will be defeatist to continue waiting for them to come up with the solution while the regime is killing our people as happened a few days ago in Magwe County in Eastern Equatoria.

South Sudan: A Country without Dignity, a Sanctuary of Corruption & untold Suffering

By: Daniel Juol Nhomngek, Kampala, Uganda, APR/04/2017, SSN;

In South Sudan, the system is rotten to the core. Corruption has eaten up everything. Money is the language of the day and no one thinks about a country called South Sudan.

Because of corruption and mismanagement, South Sudan and her people have lost their dignities as they are not respected internationally. This is why the leaders of South Sudan are given money and at the same time abused by other countries without responding to such attacks.

The clear example to support the above point is the recent remark made by Dutch Minister for International Trade and Development Cooperation, Lilianne Ploumen, who openly abused the President, Kiir, and other leaders of South Sudan that and I quote “The leaders of South Sudan are bastards who starve their own people.”

A bastard means illegitimate child, a child born to unmarried parents. It also means illegitimacy in English law. In simple terms, it means a narcissistic and annoying Character.

Under normal circumstances where the principles of state sovereignty governing international diplomacy and relation applies, South Sudan would have broken ties with the government of the Netherlands and recalled her ambassador unless that government apologizes.

But because we are a begging and dependent nation on other countries, then we have to allow our dignity and dignity of our nation to be trampled upon by other countries without any fear of reprisal.

Hence, South Sudan is a nation sacrificed for and slaughtered at the altar of corruption. South Sudan is a nation bleeding from and facing untold suffering caused by corruption which occupies the heart of our governance system.

However, though we are abused day and night, we must be just by admitting that all our problems have their roots in the poor governance and misuse of resources by our leaders.

Hence, the Minister from Netherlands was right to call our leaders “bastards” because they have annoying character, they’re corrupt and because of that they are illegitimate as they have rebelled against the will of the citizens of South Sudan contrary to social contract as provided for under Article 9 of the Constitution.

It is important to point out that social contract as provided for under Article 9 of our constitution provides that the government of South Sudan cannot have a right to obedience from South Sudanese unless it lives in accordance with the principles of social contract. This is not the case now in South Sudan.

As we have seen today in South Sudan, the people have been abandoned by their leaders, left in the lurch and have now become beggars while the leaders are enjoying all they need in life with their children abroad.

Hence, South Sudan as a whole has lost dignity as it has now become a begging nation as described below:—
— The streets of Juba are full of the people who are forced by the conditions to become beggars. Widows and children of the Soldiers who have been killed are now begging on the streets yet those soldiers died while defending the wealth of the cliques who hold power and wealth and who maintain such wealth through blood of the innocent citizens who are trapped and killed in the rivalry caused by corruption and power struggle among these top leaders.

— Citizens are dying of poverty and hunger amidst plenty. Youth are being recruited on daily basis to defend leaders not the country. They are not defending the country because currently South Sudan has lost it vast lands to the neighboring countries, which shows that soldiers are not defending territories of the country called South Sudan.

— South Sudanese children who are in camps are being denied national examinations, which is the destruction of the future of South Sudan. For example, on March 8, 2017 as it was reported, South Sudan leaders stopped about 900 students living in the United Nations protection of civilian camps at Jebel Kujur from doing nationwide secondary school examinations (see;

The reason for denying them examinations was that they must come out of the camps. How can a reasonable leader deny a child basic needs on such grounds?

This shows that South Sudanese leaders are not human beings but automated machines for power. If they were human beings they must have realized that denying children education is a violation of their right to education which will have negative implications on the future of South Sudan.

The action of denying children education alone shows that South Sudan is trapped in power struggle without aims and objectives. The government and the rebels are fighting for power without basis. The power with basis is the power with clear objectives and goals, which is not the case in South Sudan war. All mess in form of war is being done as motivated by corruption.

For the above reasons, it will take time for South Sudanese and South Sudan to recover from the present war. This is because the war has no aims or objectives that will guide those who are involved in war to reconstruct after the war.

However, the fact is that the present war is a war for an opportunity to dehumanize and corrupt the system to the detriments of all innocent citizens. This is why rebels and the government do not care for the welfare of the citizens who are trapped in the war.

In fact, it has been proved beyond reasonable doubt that South Sudanese leaders on both sides do not care about people but only for what benefits them. We are ruled by corruption and because of that South Sudan has become synonymous with corruption and money.

This is supported by the fact that South Sudan Central Bank has been looted and left empty because of corruption. This was confirmed by the Minister of Finance, Stephen Dhieu, who recently came forward to break the good news to the president that all money has gone without any trace and the Central Bank is now empty and a house of rats.

The overall implication is that South Sudan has become a sanctuary of corruption as corruption has permeated all offices. The clear example is the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of South Sudan which is the corruption house.

If it were not because of corruption, how on earth can a fresh graduate from University and those who have not finished Universities be appointed ambassadors?

In addition, in the same ministry of foreign affairs, when you go you will not be surprised to get the files of some of the staff without any papers except birth certificates and recommendations from big man in the government.

In summary, the proper definition of the government of South Sudan is that it is the government of corruption, self-services, a sanctuary and a house of corruption headed by corrupt government.

Citizens are therefore advised to unite and disown the government of South Sudan unless it carries out serious reforms. If they do not give heed to this advice the country will fall apart and that will mark the end of South Sudan and all South Sudanese citizenry.

The Author is human rights lawyer and can be reached through