Archive for: March 2017

Juba Kiir’s murderous Army repulsed at Khorfulus and Canal by SPLA-IO


While ranting about the said National Dialogue and declaring a meaningless political prayer on March 10, 2017, the brutal and ruthless Juba regime attempted today Friday, 03 March, 2017, to attack the gallant SPLA-IO base at Ataar from Khorfulus and Canal.

After intercepting the movement of the Juba regime murderers towards Ataar, the gallant SPLA-IO forces laid an effective ambush on them between Nyithor and Ataar.

In the fighting that lasted for about three (3) hours, the gallant SPLA-IO forces killed more than seventy-three (73) Juba regime soldiers on spot, and captured some seventy-six (76) AK -47, ten (10) PKM and seven (7) RPG-7 in good condition.

The remaining and fleeing Juba regime soldiers have disintegrated in the area, as the gallant SPLA-IO forces continue pursuing them towards their Khorfulus and Canal bases. It must be recalled Khorfulus and Canal was the latest scene of brutal massacre of more than thirty-seven (37) non-Dinka civilians.

In the village of Koulthok, the brutal and merciless Juba regime soldiers surrounded the innocent non-Dinka civilian population and burnt each family in very own their houses alive.

The massacre of this innocent non-Dinka civilian population is once again a stark reminder to the people of South Sudan, the African Union, the United Nations and indeed the international community that the Juba regime under the very leadership of Salva Kiir Mayardit and his Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) is more than committed to erasing and exterminating non-Dinka South Sudanese from South Sudan.

The gallant SPLA-IO forces also repulsed another attempt by the Juba regime to attack SPLA-IO bases in and around Mayiandit, killing eight (8) and other wounding six (6), before pursuing the remaining Juba regime soldiers to their Mayiandit base.

By Col. William Gatjiath
Spokesperson for SPLA-IO

Nostalgia for Malakal: Pres. Kiir decreed Collo Land under Dinka occupation

By: Gwado J. Ador, United Kingdom, FEB/03/2017, SSN;

The feeling of nostalgia for homeland has been increasingly intensifying in my heart, while there was no any glimpse of hope for peace in the horizon.

Unbridled politics coupled by the use of subversive government machinery made it impossible for many of us and particularly our relatives set foot to the town we owe all our lives.

For the happy-go-lucky Aloungs, Chwangs, Jwacs, Thons, and Thucs, there was the momentum of ultimate joy, because, they were able to realise the long-cherished dreams of being in Malakal and other areas of their choices in the Collo Kingdom. Thanks for Salva Kiir ‘s unwavering decision to pay back in kind for tribal support and loyalty.

And for us ‘the Sons and daughters of Malakal’ obviously, the decision to award Padang the entire Collo land on the East bank of the Nile was the worst nightmare we have ever had since the independence of the whole Sudan in 1956.

As a matter of fact, such decision carries with a lot of prejudices. Basically, it means Collo by any stretch of the imagination, would not be able or allowed anymore to resettle or rejoice the habitual cultural activities and the ritual rites in the beloved land of their ancestors.

Following the sad incident of December 2013, Malakal town fell under Dinka practical occupation. The Kiir’s led-government prevailed declaring the town belonging to Padang. As a matter of principle, President Kiir allied with his cousins from ‘Ngok Dinka’ believing in the saying, ‘blood is thicker than water’.

At every opportunity, SPLA forces supported by foreign allies relentlessly and indiscriminately shelled Collo areas and the displaced camps using thus draconian methods to suppress and to keep Collo out in the wilderness.

For the last four years, most of the Collo surviving families, including children and elderly in appalling health condition were confined to UMISS protection camp under their mercy.

In the process, many who tried to venture outside the UMISS, especially women or minor girls looking for firewood or something to fetch for cooking, risk their lives or end up being raped.

As strangers in the newly acquired land and environment, Padang entrenched their grips to resettle, resisting thus any attempt by Collo people to set foot again or even to claim properties in Malakal.

Furthermore, they have vehemently opposed any idea aimed to discuss or to reverse the decision, which gave them legitimacy over Malakal as their rightful place.

Thus, their actions to change the landmarks, and features of the town have taken different turns. Padangs however, managed to accomplish their desired change in Malakal within a span of short space.

The hurling of events in changing the names of the streets and features of Malakal took Collo people, other political observers and the entire South Sudanese by surprise.

By and large, the changes were fast and enormous and they surpassed all the norms and procedures known in the history of the internal disputes and land grabs.

Buildings were demolished, and a new survey of the town was swiftly carried out, perhaps to erase certain features, and partly to prevent Collo owners from returning home.

Discreetly, Trees were uprooted and the official plots’ registry in the department of the survey were tempered with, and altered. New plots in place of old ones were awarded and handed out to Padang members, including allies from the North. There was a fast track of everything, and everywhere was there feast to celebrate this big gain and achievement.

In the hindsight, people fought bitter wars against their oppressive governments or foreign thieves for such behaviour and for being cheated or neglected. There were many examples today in Africa and elsewhere around the world.

Currently, Collo people feel the same way and vowed to fight for their rights on an end. Undeterred Collo sons and daughters have pledged to fight and recover the confiscated land from the grips of Kiir and his ‘Jieng Council of Elders,’ (JCE).

In Collo land, young men and women were mobilised and bound to fight to the last drop of blood until the final restoration of every inch of land still under occupation.

Yet still, Collo are determined not to leave a stone unturned in searching for justice and bringing about a lasting peace in that part of South Sudan.

Whether he did it unknowingly or not, President Kiir who usually issues ‘such lethal and life-changing pronouncements’ from his comfort zones in Juba might probably have come to terms with the long lasting negative impact on such decisions. The Presidential order No. 36/2015 however, has already caused lots of damages and havocs in the country.

Sadly enough, his reluctance to reverse the establishment order or engage in a serious and meaningful dialogue show lack of concern to resolve the ensuing problem in the country.

Ironically, he is determined to proceed with his scheme of Denkanization of the whole country. This is done by altering maps and encouraging members of his Dinka community to resettle wherever they chose as dividends for liberation.

Beyond any reasonable doubt, many people from the aggrieved communities have come to the conclusion that Kiir and his JCE have destroyed everything. The communal cordial relationship, including the sense of nationality, which was regarded by many South Sudanese, as sources of pride were not any longer being perceived as before.

Against all the odds, his government staggered to stave off looming threats facing his leadership. Often it uses bribes to silence his opponents or entices corrupt systems to extradite dissidents from abroad. It engages mercenaries to fight on their behalf in most of the eternal disputes.

In fact, his leadership was hit to the core by a number of crises; including economic failure and looming hunger leave alone the patchy sustainable defeat on the battlegrounds. The last wave of resignations among his top generals who hailed from other ethnic origins could be cited as an example.

Hence, The brave ones among the generals came out openly challenging Kiir’s leadership. In their latest statements of resignation from SPLA to the press, the Generals Thomas Cerilo, Henry Oyay Nyago, Khalid, Yau Yau and others resented the way things have taken shape and called for Kiir’s removal.

However, the stakes are very high, the discontent was not only felt within the army ranks and files, but the entire population of South Sudan were also tired and fed up with the appalling conditions in the country.

Generally speaking, other ethnic communities loathed the set-up of the government. They have extensively and openly spoken out about it, particularly, the issue of Dinka ethnic domination of top ranking positions in every facet of life.

Although President Kiir casts himself today as the leader of all the people of South Sudan, he consistently claims innocence and would always want to appear distressed or very serious searching for peace and harmony.

However, Kiir’s latest calls for convening a national dialogue or national prayers day were not seriously taken by many people in South Sudan, because of the devious mechanism set and the people behind them.

To many people in Upper Nile, his recent call for dialogue or prayers was regarded as a ploy. They have argued saying if Kiir was really genuine, as a good gesture, he would have had scraped his Order 36, and then dissolved the JCE from existence and as non-constitutional.

As a former freedom fighter, presumably, Kiir should have had known every corner or tribal composition of some areas in South Sudan. He should have known which tribes have the dominant presence in some various major cities of South Sudan and how did this come about. At least this would have discouraged him from the tendency of occupying other people’s properties.

The fact that he lived among Collo people in Malakal as a young intelligence officer, but unfortunately, and after becoming the President, he developed sentiments of dislikes and prejudices against them.

Apparently, his hatred might have been triggered by circumstances known to him alone. However, he was always found bias tipping the balance in favor of his Dinka fellows in every contested area.

Invariably, Collo people don’t like him either and don’t believe in him anymore, because of his segregative attitude and negative motives toward the Collo people of Malakal.

Similarly, the people of South Sudan who overwhelmingly elected him following the successful referendum are even more disgusted. They don’t like him too. They are fed-up with Kiir’s ways of handling affairs and would want him just to pack and quit the stage.

Although Kiir has failed to provide an honest platform for mediation between Collo and Padang over Malakal, Collo is yet still committed to dialogue and peaceful coexistence in that part of South Sudan.

Ultimately, Kiir should be held responsible and account for all the lapses and crimes against humanity. His deeds, including the poor management of the affairs, have proven very disastrous and divisive. Surely, his actions had already cost the people of South Sudan dearly.

Like any dictator known in history, Kiir will soon leave the stage in disgraceful manners and not sorry for. He will most likely go down in history as the worst leader ever known and certainly, without any comeback or glory to proclaim.

From: Gwado Ador
Country: United Kingdom

An attempt to be politically correct is the road to political hell: A response to Rebecca Nyandeng Garang

By: Daniel Juol Nhomngek, Kampala Uganda, MAR/03/2017, SSN;

Before I delve into this discussion, I’d like first to state one of the Seven Social Sins from a sermon given by Frederick Lewis Donaldson in Westminster Abbey, London, on March 20, 1925, in which he stated as “Politics without principle.” Exactly, Madam Rebecca Nyandeng Garang is playing a politics without principles.

When I talk of principles in this context, I mean an accepted or professed rule of action or conduct or fundamentals, primary, or general law or truth from which others are derived. In simple terms, principles are what we believe in or morals that govern our conduct.

Morals or morality according to Oscar Wilde is the attitude we adopt towards people we personally dislike. However, the fact remains that whether we like someone or not, we should not distort facts to suit our personal interests just because we want to harm someone we dislike.

The fact that Nyandeng Garang dislikes President does not warrant her to distort facts with the intention of destroying him politically; there must be a limit to politics when it comes to the national issues.

The institution of the Red Army is a matter of public importance and it is part of our national heritage which we must respect and value. However, reducing the whole institution into the institution founded by followers of food and services is something derogatory and done in bad faith by Nyandeng Garang.

To help those who have not had an opportunity to read the statement of Nyandeng Garang on the Red Army, I would like to briefly repeat what she said here. Nyandeng in an interview with Al Jazeera UpFront program, on the topic entitled who’s to blame for South Sudan’s civil war? (The interview can be accessed on:…/blame-famine-south-sudan-170221192501168.htFebruary 21, 2017) accused South Sudanese President, Salva Kiir, of allegedly using soldiers from the Dinka tribe to commit atrocities on other ethnic groupings and called on him to step down.

When asked during that interview about her late husband alleged use of child-soldiers she rejected a previous Human Rights Watch report, which implicated her husband, John Garang for using child soldiers during the over two-decade civil war.

However, when the Presenter on Jazeera pressed her about the children among the soldiers, Nyandeng admitted, but justified the presence of the child soldiers as a necessity. She is quoted to have stated — “They children came with their parents and some of them just followed the army because sometimes when they go with the army they can find better services; food and things like that because we were in the bush. Some of the children even leave their parents and they follow the army. There was no official recruitment which was being done.”

As seen above, Nyandeng clearly rubbished the role and history of the Red Army in the liberation and creation of South Sudan which by implications means that the institution called Red Army Foundation should have not been established in the first place as its members are not important to the history of South Sudan.

What I can say about the above presentation by Madam Nyangdeng concerning the Red Army is misconceived and above all, it is a political error. It is the error because various reports contradict what she has said. For instance, the Report of Human Rights Watch indicated that in the early 1980s, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) recruited and began training boys as young as 12 to fight in its battle for independence from Sudan.

The child soldiers were called the Red Army (this is according to a 1994 Human Rights Watch report (pdf) and if you need it you can get this report online by writing it on google search engine).

In relation to the above, the (visit: › World › Development › Conflict and development) confirms the Human Rights Watch Report that the children who were later formed into the Red Army were not following soldiers because of food and services in 1980s but instead, they were inspired by liberation war.

For instance, the Guardian cited Adam Jaafer Manoah who joined the SPLA willingly or without being recruited. Adam Jaafer Manoah as the Guardian reported, left Yirol when he was 13 and trekked for nine months from his home in Yirol, in what is now central South Sudan, to a military training camp in neighbouring Ethiopia.

In the interview with the Guardian, Adam was reported to have stated that and I quote,”I was going to liberate my country,” he said.

As the Guardian reported, Adam joined the Red Army’s Zalzal (or Earthquake) Battalion and later became a political organizer and fighter.

Then, the Guardian concluded with comment that “the use of child soldiers is one of the more horrific moments in the history of South Sudan’s creation, though the former Red Army members do not shy about remembering their experiences. Instead, they are relying on the ties formed in combat to organise a new front”.

Apart from the above two sources, there are many other evidences from both primary and secondary sources that clearly show that Dr. Garang recruited Child-soldiers and also some children joined the army willingly.

The foregoing discussion proves beyond reasonable doubt that Red Army members were not going to the bush for the sake of food and good services. In fact, how can children leave home to join the Members of the SPLA who were depending on their parents?

The SPLA soldiers cannot deny the fact that since 1983 and partly up to date were and are still depending on the civilians who are the parents of the Red Army. This means that the argument put forward by Madam Rebecca Nyandeng to justify the presence of children in the bush is incoherent, erroneous and fallacious.

In addition, it is malicious as it is perplexing to see Madam Nyandeng Garang who considers herself as Mother of the SPLM/A denying the documented facts simply because she wanted to sound politically correct.

What she did not understand is that an attempt to be politically correct is the road to political hell sometimes. This is because it leads to political error and political downfall and political agony.

In this regard, if the people of South Sudan know their political rights and right political leaders, Nyandeng and other political gamblers would have been sanctioned and detained in the political limbo. Thus, Nyandeng Garang would have definitely been sanctioned politically because she is politically naïve and at the same time she is a political gambler.

In addition, when we analyze her statement carefully, we can also conclude that Madam Nyandeng wanted to deny the rights of Red Army members to history of South Sudan because they were not her children or children coming from where she comes from, Bor, Jonglei State in Upper Nile Region.

So, their contribution to South Sudanese history should be denied by all costs to make sure that they disappear in history. As a matter of fact, most of the children who served in the Red army were from Bahr El Ghazal area and this seems to be one of the motivation that pushed Madam Nyandeng into making political blunder.

In summary, denying the facts or distorting them just because we want to destroy someone we dislike in politics shows political immaturity of Madam Nyandeng. She is politically immature and also a political pathetic liar.

Nyandeng Garang must apologize to the Red Army because attacking their history shows her intention that she wants to destroy their history. It is injustice to deny the facts and the truth on which those facts are founded upon.

NB//: the author is South Sudanese Lawyer residing in Kampala Uganda and can be reached through:

Can South Sudan Survive Another Year of the Civil War?

By: Chap Phan, Masters in Economics, Business Analysts, MAR/03/20117, SSN;

Many people, including myself, have expressed concerns many times for Juba regime’s inability to bring peace and show leadership in ending the civil war. The regime has chosen to fight against the people with no victory in sight. War has spread to the wider country since the second outbreak at the presidential palace in July 2016.

It is not only Upper Nile region that has a raging war, but Eastern and Central Equatorial states as well, and part of Western Bahr al Ghazal. As reported by many sources, human rights violations have been recorded on daily basis.

The regime deployed tactics that overwhelmingly target civilians all around South Sudan including U.N protective sites. Externally displaced people have surpassed 1.5 million with additional 2 million people internally displaced (UN Report, 2017).

The daily human rights abuses by the regime, the displacement of the citizens into refugee camps, the kidnapping of the opposition leaders, the silencing of the press; the killings of journalists are clear evidence of power monopoly and true colors of a repressive regime.

South Sudan is destroying itself day by day; many people are convinced that South Sudan will go bankrupt unless this senseless war ends. The war has put South Sudan’s economy in repetitive crisis, interlocking problems that required long term strategy.

Running large budget deficits, depleting foreign reserves and printing money to pay for civil war will always lead to economic crisis. Large budget deficits increase cost of borrowing and put the country at high risk in market place, which makes borrowing difficult.

Depleting foreign reserves devalue local currency, which make it expensive for import items. And for South Sudan which depends on imported items it means less buying power for South Sudanese.

Printing money creates hyperinflation and hyperinflation undermines purchasing power. In the long run, high inflation discourages capital formation and distorts investment in financial sector, it undermine long term economic growth. These kinds of policies ultimately fail because they are not sustainable, they weaken government and the economy.

For example, shortages of foreign currency and accelerating inflation rate forced South Sudanese government to abandon the peg against the US dollar in December 2015. Since then both inflation and exchange rate have continued to accelerate. (Refer to figure 1.1 and figure 2.1.)

The pound has deeply depreciated against US dollar by over 90 percent since the crisis begun. South Sudan inflation peaked at 835 percent in October driven mostly by rises in food prices. All of this means that average South Sudanese wealth has eroded and poverty rate has increased.

Many South Sudanese are poorer than they were in 2013 with debt on their backs. According to the data from International Monetary fund (IMF), real income has declined by over 70 percent since 2011.

(Figure 1.1 Sources: Data from Bloomberg, domestic authorities and the World Bank.)
(Figure 2.1 Sources: Data from Bloomberg, domestic authorities and the World Bank.)

South Sudan is mortgaged out
The war has ruined the economy, not only in the near term, but also for decades to come. According to the data from International Monetary fund (IMF), debt to gross domestic product (GDP) ratios increased to 64 percent in 2015. By the end of the fiscal year, June 2017, South Sudan debt to GDP ratio is projected to top 91 percent, and it is projected to be 118 percent by the end of 2017 calendar year. (Refer to figure 3.1.)

The government relied on expensive loans to cover expenditures most of which went to military spending. Financing war through debt is poor strategy that has long term consequences.

High levels of government debt undermine future economic growth. High levels of government debt mean more government revenues must go toward paying interest on the debt. That means fewer revenues for social projects and investment that would grow the economy.

The risk of South Sudan defaulting on its debt service obligation increases as long as war rages on. High national debt is grave national security issue; it has social, economic and political consequences.

(Figure 3.1 Sources: Data form Bloomberg, domestic authorities and the World Bank. 2017 debt to GDP ratio is projection.)

It assumes that no changes in term of revenues and oil production while reflecting increase in interest rate and drop in the GDP. Rising US interest rate means that global investors will likely demand even higher returns for investment in South Sudan given elevated political risk.

South Sudan can work with IMF and the World Bank to boost confidence and have access to discounted financing options, but only if the country genuinely ends war and takes strong economic reforms.

Sources of Revenues
South Sudan government main sources of revenues are derived from oil; about 95 percent of government revenues. Mismanagement and conflict have cut oil production from 350,000 barrels a day in 2011 to 130,000 barrels a day in 2016 (Reuters 2017).

Decline in the world crude oil prices and high fixed transit cost for using North Sudan pipelines means that South Sudan is getting less than 10 dollar per barrel on average and some of the money goes toward paying interest on the existing loans.

Because of the conflict, Juba lost most of financial aid it receives from development partners and friendly nations, it’s lost an estimated 100 million in remittances from South Sudanese overseas as well. Juba regime has largely coverd its operational expenses through borrowing on oil future revenues.

South Sudan needs inclusive peace to prevail.
South Sudan should do all possible to bring inclusive peace. The regime needs to end war and come up with strategy to prevent conflict and foster political inclusion. Peaceful resolution would immediately increase economic activities and increase oil production while opening up country for foreign direct investment that is desperately needed.

This would allow South Sudan to focus on equitable development where priorities are given to agriculture productivity and non-oil activities.

First Priorities would include restoring depleted reserves and focusing public spending away from military spending toward social sectors and infrastructure project.

For example, South Sudan has high potential in agriculture and forestry which are highly underdeveloped. This would minimize incentive for government to print money and give government a breathing room to balance its budget. It would help dampen inflation in the long run and give government enough leverage in economic reform agenda.

South Sudan civil war has cost countless lives and the regime has mortgaged the country out. International community needs to do more to pressure the government to foster inclusive peace. They can apply appropriate economic pressure to the government to accept inclusive peace process that respects basic human rights.

International community should ensure that oil revenues are not used to fuel the conflict. An inclusive peace is the only path that will save South Sudan from impending economic collapse. Peace that addresses the underpinning of the conflict and that provides progress toward freedom and opportunity.

Chap Phan is Business Analyst; he holds master degree in Economics. You can follow Chap Phan in social media: Tweeter @pandeit1, Blog at and facebook; Peter pan.

African development Bank Report, 2016
Bloomberg News,
IMF World Economic Outlook, April 2016
UN Report, 2017
World Bank, 2017,

Kiir’s Evil Administration: Equatorian Community in the UK congratulates Lt. Gen. Thomas Cirillo Swaka & all those who left President

Press Release, FEB/28/2017;

The Equatorian community in the UK congratulates Lt. General Thomas Cirillo Swaka for his courageous decision to leave the evil and illegal government of President Kiir. The evidence that you provided supports the view all of us share that President Kiir is creating a Nazi-like state in South Sudan, with Dinka as a superior tribe over the rest of the tribes of South Sudan. The international community need to realise the gravity of this fact. He needs to be stopped before he and his cohort can achieve this evil ambition and cause further damage to the people of South Sudan.

We also congratulate all those who have resigned their respective offices in the Government of President Kiir, and the army (the SPLA) for realising that their presence in the system was contributing to perpetuating the demise of the people.

We urge all those still serving the present Government and helping it to advance the evil policies against the people of South Sudan to seriously examine their own conscience and take the necessary decisions.

The current Government of South Sudan headed by President Kiir is an illegitimate one. In addition, its actions are contrary to peace-building, which is characterised by mass human rights abuses, mass civilian displacements and refugees, starvation, and forced occupation on land belonging to other tribes.

In his address to South Sudan National Legislative Assembly on 21st February 2017, President Kiir asserted that his National Dialogue was “South Sudan owned and led process and so our supporters should stand behind the steering committee and secretariat”.

We urge the international community to withdraw their support from the Government of South Sudan. The government is pursuing a non-inclusive national dialogue, by design and intention that is unlikely to bring peace to the country but contrary, if allowed to progress in its current format, it is likely to prolong the suffering of the people of South Sudan. The reasons why Kiir’s National Dialogue is doomed and unlikely to bring total peace across South Sudanese are:

1. Mass resignations from the Government. This suggests there is no freedom of expression and dissatisfaction with the policies of the President, and no confidence in the present Government from across South Sudanese people.

2. There are reports of confiscation of passports of some Government officials belonging to non-Dinka tribes who are suspected to resign or leave the country in order to prevent them from doing so. The government is therefore a repressive regime.

3. Pursuit of war against opposition and freedom fighters. In his speech to the Parliament in Juba on 21st February 2017, President Kiir confirmed that: “The Government will pursue peace through the national dialogue and take extreme measure to neutralise anti-peace elements anywhere.” If he means peace, he should talk with his enemies.

4. Unlawful abductions and detentions of fellow South Sudanese that has extended to foreign countries. Examples include the abductions and detentions of Dong Samuel Luak and Aggrey Ezbon Idri in Kenya in which the Government of South Sudan is suspected.

In conclusion, we urge the international community to withdraw their support from the current Government in South Sudan, as it is no longer legitimate nor does it represent the people of South Sudan following the collapse of the peace agreement in July 2016. The international community must seek a way of establishing a legitimate government in South Sudan that respects and safeguards its people rather than seek to exterminate certain ethnic groups and opposition forces as a way of achieving peace.

For contact: Mr. Federico Awi Vuni; Email:

Note to the editors and readers:
Equatoria was one of the 3 colonial provinces of Southern Sudan lying at the southern end of the present Republic of South Sudan, bordering 5 countries namely Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, DR Congo, and Central African Republic. It is roughly one third of the country geographically and in terms of population and hosts the national capital Juba.

It is inhabited by various ethnic groups many of who share similar cultures, values and history of peaceful co-existence and are collectively known as Equatorians. Until July 2016, when the latest outbreak of war occurred, Equatoria was a beacon of peace in South Sudan.