Archive for: October 2015

Tiger Faction New Forces to fight Pres. Kiir’s 28 States Decree

From: olanyi Subject: Formation of new Movement in South Sudan
Country: USA

Message Body:
Fellow Compatriots,
Distinguished members of the Press,
Revolutionary greetings,

We, the SPLA army stationed in Manyo County, Northern Upper Nile State, South Sudan, under the overall command of Gen. Yoanes Okij, would like to inform and enlighten South Sudanese compatriots and the international community on the establishment of (Tiger Faction New Forces (TFNF) movement and the subsequent military confrontation between our two forces today 29th October, 2015.

We have been observing and monitoring the current political developments in South Sudan since the signing of the Peace Agreement on 17 and 26 August, 2015 respectively, with deep and troubling concerns.

The un-constitutional Presidential Order 36/ 2015 AD decreeing division of the country into twenty-eight (28) states, has compelled us to form the Tiger Faction New Forces (TFNF) to protect our land and people against the tribal regime in Juba headed by President Salva Kiir Mayardit and the Jieng Council of Elders which have usurp powers of the National Parliament and government’s decision making organs.

President Salva Kiir Mayardit Government has not shown good will in implementing the signed Addis Ababa Peace Agreement. Instead, embarked on desperate attempt to derail and frustrate the implementation by issuing divisive and controversial Presidential order.

The establishment Order was an outright flagrant violation of various Articles of the Constitution specially; 55 (3), 59 (a), 86 (1) 85 (2) and 86 (5), 162 (1), (2), (3) and 101 (f). The Order adversely affected the tribal territorial boundaries of people of South Sudan including, the Chollo Kingdom.

One of its ramifications is the division of Chollo kingdom into two parts with some in one state West of the Nile and others in the East of the Nile. The overall objective of such division is to ensure tribal domination and annexation of other tribes including Chollo territories in the eastern bank including their historical city of Malakal to the newly established Dinka’s states.

The Chollo Kingdom has been divided between two states for the first time in its 500 years since its inception. The Chollo Kingdom predates the concept of government in South Sudan and will not accept any power on earth to tamper with their territories and tribal existence. It is to be recalled that some Dinka communities neighboring Chollo have been making baseless historical claims on Chollo lands east of the Nile River in South Sudan since late 1970s up to the time of the issuance of establishment Order 36/2015 AD.

Successive Governments in former Sudan have ruled several times, in favor of Shilluk based on historical facts and supported by formal maps obtained from the British who governed the country before its independent 1956. Equally, Dr. John Garang’s message on 16th October, 2004 confirmed Shilluk’s ownership of Malakal Municipal as part of the Shilluk Kingdom.

President Kiir’s desperate attempt to give Chollo land to the Dinka threatens the national security of South Sudan and will become recipe for conflict and Balkanization of the country. There is no empirical historical evidence upon Dinka’s claims of Chollo land.

In fact it has been the hospitality of Chollo sovereigns that had provided protection throughout the history to Dinka neighboring the Kingdom. Chollo nation settled in their present geographical location since the 16th century.

The first group of Dinka to arrive in the vicinity of east of the Nile in 18th century specially the two sections of Abilang and Dingjol. The reminding Dinka sections came to their present settlements in the 19th century following the Nuer migration to Jonglei state. The Ngok Dinka are occupying areas vacated by the Anuak on their eastward migration as evidenced by the names Abong, Adong, Gel Achiel, etc.

In the determination to protect our people and land and in loud rejection of the Presidential Establishment Order 36/2015, today 29th/October/2015 at 6:30 local time, our forces carried out military operations against the Government’s troops in Manyo Country, Upper Nile State leading to capturing of the strategic towns of Wadakon, Thoworgwang, Nyanowar, Maananm and Ajot. In the battle of Thoworgwang we captured two tanks and two pickups mounted with heavy machine guns. We are fighting the government’s last ruminants at Shara Cola west and outside Wadakon and hope to capture it anytime soon.

The way forward:
1. We therefore, call upon the President and the Government of South Sudan to immediately revoke the un-constitutional Presidential Establishment Order 36/2015.

2. The Tiger Faction New Forces beliefs that federalism is a form of governance that could amicable address the complexities and aspirations of various nationalities in South Sudan leading to peaceful co-existence. It should be based on popular consultations and direct participation of its citizens in the constitution making-process. In this regard we call upon the government to respect borders of the Shilluk Kingdom as per 1/1/1956.

3. Our people the Shilluk are peaceful and loving they have never provoked or claimed lands belonging to any community in South Sudan. However, our peacefulness has been mistaken by enemies to mean weakness. The October revolution will continue until a comprehensive peace agreement is reached and South Sudan is transformed into a democratic state based on human dignity, equality and justice for all.

4. We are ready to negotiate with Government of the day under the auspices of the IGAD in order to bring peace and stability to our beloved country.

Long live the struggle of our People
Long live South Sudan

A lutta continua

Gen. Yoanes Okij
Tiger Faction New Forces (TFNF)
Date: 29th October, 2015
Tel: +2119272595443
Wadakon, South Sudan

AU Report finally out: Juba mass killings were ‘state policy’, ‘coordinated’


The African Union Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan has released its final report concluding that “widespread and systematic” killings took place in Juba in December 2013, with violence later spreading elsewhere. The AU investigation found that the killings in Juba were carried out pursuant to a state policy and were coordinated and possibly also planned.


464. The evidence gathered by the Commission suggests that there were killings committed by elements of security forces from 16th December 2013 in residential areas like Muniki 107, Khor Williams, New Site, Gudele one, Mangaten, Mio Saba, Customs, Nyakuren. The Commission was informed that Juba was subdivided into four operation sectors which are Maharat, commanded by General SALVA MATOK; Gudele and Mio Saba which was commanded by General BOL AKOT; Mangaten which was commanded by General GARANG MABIR; and Khor William which was commanded by General MARIAL CHANUANG306. Roadblocks were set up around Juba and were manned by policemen and soldiers. The officers were checking identities and arresting suspected Nuer men.

AU investigators found no evidence of a coup attempt as claimed by President Salva Kiir but instead concluded that a gunfight within the Presidential Guards was the immediate trigger for further violence in which “Dinka members of the Presidential guard and other security forces targeted Nuer soldiers and civilians… killing Nuer soldiers and civilians in and near their homes.”

A number of Kiir’s personal associates and presidential guard commanders are named in the report as operational sector commanders who led the operations that the AU Commission said resulted in mass killings in residential areas mid-December 2013 including Munuki 107, Khor William, New Site, Gudele One, Mangaten, Mia Saba, Custom and Nyakuron. Tens of thousands of members of the Nuer ethnic group fled to the UN Tongping base in the wake of these killings and still remain under UN protection today.


The Commission also received evidence of possible torture or ill treatment of civilians in Gudele One area. According to witnesses, SPLA soldiers gathered Nuer civilians on 16th December 2013 and subjected them to beatings before compelling them to jump into a lit bonfire. The Commission also heard evidence that some of the people who had been gathered were compelled to eat human flesh while others were forced to drink human blood belonging to a victim who had been slaughtered and his blood collected on a plate308. This evidence finds corroboration in witness JWA’s statement who said that she saw SPLA soldiers burning dead bodies and compelling Nuer women to eat burnt flesh of burnt victims. According to the witness, one of the people who were forced to eat this flesh has reportedly lost his mind and is at a refugee camp in Kenya.
476. The Commission was also informed about rapes that were perpetrated against civilians in Juba between 16th and 18th December 2013. The Commission spoke with witnesses who averred that they had been raped by SPLA soldiers. Witness Martha testified that she was raped by SPLA soldiers between 17th and 18th December 2013. Additionally, she described the coercive circumstances surrounding the rape incident including the killings and how she lost people related to her and observing acts of inhumane nature309. Another witness, JWY testified that she was in Juba when the conflict erupted and she fled when she realized that government soldiers were targeting Nuer women and raping them310. Witness JWB and witness JWS both testified that while at UNMISS PoC Site in Juba they came into contact with women who had been raped by soldiers when they tried to go outside the camp to look for food.

The AU report details numerous accounts of murders, rapes, torture and other atrocities including alleged cases of forced cannibalism perpetrated by members of the army and security forces. Articles 810, 811, 812, 813 and 814 of the report make the case that such acts were carried out with a degree of organization and planning.

In Article 810 the report notes that attacks against civilians in Juba “could have been planned,” according to some of the Commission’s informants. “Suggestions of evidence of planning are varied and the Commission has considered all the suggestions carefully weighing it with the totality of the information it has, and testimony it heard,” the report notes.

Indications of planning and coordination include testimonies that irregular forces disguised as “street cleaners” allegedly scouted areas of Juba in the weeks before the massacres, as well as division of Juba into “four operational zones” and the setting up of roadblocks and checkpoints around the city.

“House to house searches were undertaken by security forces. During this operation male Nuers were targeted, identified, killed on the spot or gathered in one place and killed,” states the Commission report.

The AU report identifies the four operational sector commanders as General Salva Mathok for Amarat neighborhood, General Bol Akot for Gudele and Mia Saba neighborhoods, General Garang Mabir for Mangaten and General Marial Chanuong for Khor William. Salva Mathok is a relative of Salva Kiir and Marial Chanuong is the head of Kiir’s presidential guards. Bol Akot has been identified in previous reports as a “civilian” who led militia at the time of the massacres and whom Kiir later gave a senior rank in the army.

‘The violence was organized’

The AU report goes on to quote the Minister of Defense Kuol Manyang as saying that a militia loyal to Salva Kiir known as Rescue the President (Dut Ku Beny in Dinka) “killed most people here [in Juba] — from 15th to 18th.” This refers to a force that other witnesses describe as Kiir’s “personal army”, which he allegedly recruited and based at his private farm at Luri near Juba.

Radio Tamazuj earlier this year interviewed ex-combatants of this militia recruited in Kiir’s home region Bahr al Ghazal who confirmed that they participated in operations in Juba and also reported disciplinary and morale problems owing to poor training and consumption of alcohol.

“They were not part of the SPLA, they were not part of the police, they were not part of the National Security. It was a private army which Salva trained… The fighting in Giada was just to provoke. It was just only to be a signal for these guys to start their work,” says one witness quoted in the AU report. “So immediately when this fighting started in the others, these guys were now deployed and they did the killing… So it was a deliberate, it was something planned.”

Other testimonies in the report, however, point more to the role of organized forces in the killings rather than the so-called private army.

Article 812 of the Commission of Inquiry report concludes, “The evidence thus suggests that these crimes were committed pursuant to or in furtherance of a State policy. Indeed, the method under which these crimes were committed prove the ‘widespread or systematic nature’ of the attacks. The evidence also shows that it was an organized military operation that could not have been successful without concerted efforts from various actors in the military and government circles.”

Professor Mahmood Mamdani, a Member of the AU Commission who authored a separate opinion on the Inquiry report stated, “The targeted violence was organized, not spontaneous. It was directed from a center.”

Massacres at presidential palace and police station

According to the African Union report, there were at least two large massacres perpetrated in Juba, including one at the so-called ‘J2 palace’ and another at the Gudele Joint Operation Centre, a police station.

“The Commission was informed about an incident that took place at J2 palace (which is adjacent to the Presidential palace) on 16th December 2013 where about 90 Nuers and 21 soldiers were gathered by soldiers and executed with only 13 soldiers escaping with their lives. It was alleged that the 90 Nuers were civilians who were running away from the fighting that had erupted all over Juba.”

“The 21 soldiers, the Commission heard, were Nuers who were part of the President’s first ring of protection and had earlier on been disarmed by a senior military officer. It was alleged that the person who ordered the killing of the civilians and the disarmed soldiers was Lt. Colonel Lual Maroldit who was attached to the VIP close protection unit otherwise known as Tiger Battalion or Presidential Guard,” adds the report.

Forensic evidence and witness testimony further pointed to “the targeted killing of about 134 Nuer men in Gudele joint operation centre” on 16 December. This massacre has previously been reported by the United Nations and other rights investigators.

War crimes in Bor and Malakal

The AU Commission of Inquiry says that war crimes and atrocities were also committed by rebel forces later in the war: “The Commission believes that war crimes were committed in Bor town through indiscriminate killings of civilians by the SPLA/IO and White Army forces allied to Dr. Riek Machar.”

Atrocities were also reported to have been committed by Machar’s forces or allied forces also in Malakal and outside Malakal in Baliet County where the AU Commission reported “much carnage.” For example, the Commission cited a witness who said that SPLA-IO killed 10 hospital patients in Malakal in January. Female civilians who were sheltering in the hospital at the same time were also abducted by the rebels and have not been seen again.

“Gang rape was (and continues to be) a common feature of the atrocities committed during the on-going conflict in South Sudan. Women and men as witnesses and survivors have given statements with reference to rapes of women and girls by more than one person… There were reports by respondents on the wide use of objects such as stones, guns and sticks to rape women. In most instances, that was reported as a new and horrifying phenomenon.”

“There are clear patterns of a vicious cycle of violence within violence developing,” reads the AU report.

The African Union report was produced after research by investigators in 2014 but its release was repeatedly delayed by the AU Commission and AU Peace and Security Council for almost a year.

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Uganda Pres. Museveni’s venture in South Sudan

BY: Dr Lako Jada Kwajok, OCT/28/2015, SSN;

After many confusing and often contradictory press releases regarding UPDF withdrawal both from the South Sudanese government and its Ugandan counterpart, we finally got an input from someone on ground in Bor town.

General Malual Ayom, the SPLA commander in Bor town, said last week, I quote ” for the first time in 2 years , the Ugandan flag which was erected in January 2014 was now lowered and the SPLA flag was erected in place at the barracks previously occupied by the Ugandan troops “.

His statement confirmed that the withdrawal took place or was about to happen. What the General also know and the rest of us is that a similar flag is still flying high in western Equatoria state and in some parts of eastern Equatoria state as well.

It has always been the case over the last 5 years or so. According to the General, the total number of the UPDF in Bor area is 2000. We do not know, in fact no one of the public will ever know whether all will return to Uganda or some units will be re-deployed in other parts of South Sudan notably western Equatoria state.

There is no way to verify total withdrawal from South Sudan soil given the fact that the government is against the withdrawal in the first place coupled with lack of independent monitoring mechanism at the frontier.

When the UPDF entered South Sudan territory 22 months ago, the reason given was protection of Ugandan nationals and evacuation of those caught up in the fight and willing to leave South Sudan soil. The mission was then expanded to securing and defending government institutions and strategic facilities.

As the number of the UPDF continued to increase within the South Sudanese borders, we heard president Museveni threatening Dr Riek Machar of imminent defeat should he not give up the fight.

What was not mentioned was the main reason for intervention which is protecting Uganda’s huge economic interests in South Sudan.

It also turned out that a secret deal was struck between the two governments where the government of South Sudan pays the wages of the Ugandan soldiers in US dollars.

This fact came to light when the minister of defence, Kuol Manyang Juuk inadvertently disclosed to the media that the government of South Sudan is the one paying the bills.

The Ugandan authorities got irritated and criticised leaking such matters to the media which further supported the presence of such a deal. However, the realities of the war and the results were quite contrary to the announced reasons and objectives.

The protection of the Ugandan citizens, if anything, was the last thing in the minds of the Ugandan authorities. As we know the majority of the Ugandan citizens live in Juba; their security like the rest of the South Sudanese people never improved, in fact it has gotten worse since the arrival of the UPDF.

We have not seen any evacuations of Ugandan citizens back to Uganda so far.

Furthermore, the bulk of the UPDF was deployed hundreds of kilometers far from where the Ugandan citizens are concentrated. This has led some Ugandan lawmakers to question the activities of the UPDF in places as far as Unity state and Upper Nile state.

To a sharp observer, it’s a de’ja vu reminiscent of the second Congo war. In 1998, president Museveni in collaboration with president Kagame of Rwanda, invaded the Democratic Republic of Congo ( DRC ). The reasons given were, to prevent ” genocide ” against the Banyamulenge who are an ethnic Tutsi population in the eastern part of the DRC.

Also that Laurent Kabila, the father of the current president, who was propelled to power by none other than the two presidents, failed to secure the borders with Uganda thus allowing the opposition to launch attacks from bases inside DRC.

But the fact of the matter was that the UPDF was deployed thousands of kilometers to the west of the Uganda frontier and assisting a movement aiming to topple Kabila.

The whole thing didn’t go well and the allies ended up fighting each other in Kisangani in June and July 2000. Even the Banyamulenge got tired of being used as a political pawn by their brethren and fought with the Rwandan army in 2002.

Museveni’s intervention in the DRC did not bring peace and stability to that country but on the contrary it led to devastation on a large scale. The invaders were accused by the international bodies of plundering the country’s massive mineral and timber resources.

The International Court of Justice ruled in December 2005, that Uganda must pay compensation to the DRC for human rights violations during the second Congo war. In the case of South Sudan, civilians have reported rapes, killings and lootings by the Ugandan army in western Equatoria state.

The use of cluster bombs by the UPDF is another issue that would certainly be brought up against Uganda by the human rights organisations and could lead to punitive measures put in place by the international community.

The UPDF has now been stationed in western Equatoria state for at least 5 years and we now know that LRA activities have waned or are non-existent in the area.

Experts in the field are also of the opinion that the LRA is on the decline and ceased to pose any significant threat. It is now confined to remote jungles in the Central African Republic or it might have already disintegrated.

The questions that come to mind are, Why is the UPDF still present in western Equatoria state ?! Do we really know what the Ugandans are doing in relation to the rich natural resources in the area ?! What would prevent them from repeating what they did in the DRC albeit this time in South Sudan ?!

It is clear to every observer that Museveni’s military intervention in support of the government did not fulfill the intended goals. Dr Riek Machar is still standing tall and even getting more diplomatic attention and international traction than the president.

The war that erupted in Juba and quickly reached Bor in December 2013, has spread to all parts of South Sudan. The loss of human lives and the destruction of properties and the meagre infrastructure is quite immense by any measure.

Now the UPDF as an ally of the government forces cannot distant itself from the carnage that has befallen South Sudan. It is evident that the Ugandan intervention has made the situation far worse than it has been.

This is similar to what happened in the DRC and that country achieved peace and stability only after the departure of the UPDF.

Some of the statements from the Ugandan authorities gave the impression that they consider themselves a regional power entitled to interfere in everyone else’s business.

It was reported before the conflict that president Museveni once said he would hang himself if security in Uganda becomes like the state of affairs in South Sudan.

Also many Ugandan officials and Generals have been saying that the SPLA is poorly trained and deficient in all aspects of military command and operation.

Though security in South Sudan is probably one of the worst in the region, nonetheless Museveni is not in a position to lecture the South Sudanese about security because he continues to need them for keeping the LRA at bay.

The LRA rampages all happened under his watch and he had to seek help from outsiders to solve his internal problems. Some of the criminal activities now prevalent in Juba were never there before and mostly emanated from Uganda or to some extent from the other neighbouring countries. Armed robberies, counterfeitings and assassinations were almost unheard of in South Sudan before the open border policy.

The Garamba offensive aka Operation Lightning Thunder took place between 2008 and 2009. The attack was carried out by Uganda, the DRC and South Sudan against the LRA rebels who were lured into the Garamba National Park in the DRC. The Americans provided the intelligence, satellite communications and money for fuel and logistics.

The aim was to uproot the LRA as a final solution but apparently things didn’t go well and Joseph Kony managed to escape and remained elusive.

The fact that the Ugandans sought the help of the SPLA makes what their Generals have been saying ironical. It also reveals a fundamental fact that Uganda has never been a formidable regional power in the past or at the present time.

This could happen in future but certainly not now when it is unable to conquer the LRA on its own.

Before the conflict, president Museveni was probably the only foreign leader enjoying universal popularity among the South Sudanese people. He has done a lot of good things for us.

We are all grateful and appreciative of the help and support given to us by the Ugandan people under the leadership of president Museveni during the liberation war.

The relations between South Sudan and Uganda was on track to become an example of cooperation and mutual respect furthering peace and stability in the region.

Our African heritage taught us that when you find two brothers fighting each other you don’t side with anyone of them but with both in the sense that you remain neutral and try to help stopping the fight.

By participating in the bloodshed, president Museveni became a part of the problem and never a part of the solution.

Dr Lako Jada Kwajok

Crime and Security: The menace of Armed robbers in Juba city!

By Deng Mangok Ayuel, Columnist, JUBA, OCT/27/2015, SSN;

Juba is a city for sale. Apart from being ranked as the world’s most expensive city for expatriates according to the latest findings by consulting firm, ECA International, Juba is a city full of unknown gunmen. A city where you can’t distinguish armed robbers from policemen because they both carry an AK47 …!

It’s a city where its citizens go to bed in fear while thinking they might be robbed by unknown gunmen in their houses at midnight. It’s also a city where foreign briefcase companies became the real beneficiaries of our businesses amid economic crisis in the country.

It’s a misery. The menace of armed robbery in Juba is unpredictable and the police forces shouldn’t be blamed but encouraged to take charge of the situation in order to protect the city dwellers.

Armed robbery is a worldwide phenomenon. It is neither peculiar to South Sudan nor confined to any country. But where do these robbers get the guns? And when will unknown gunmen be known? We must set thieves to catch thieves.

However, crime and robbery appear to be undying features. Although crimes have been with mankind from creation, there are increasing categories of crimes that are really baffling, senseless, shocking and malicious in our country.

Since insecurity remained a prodigy and continued to take vexing dimension, the current security situation is provocative in the city because incompetence of the authority to arrest and bring criminals to justice is fear-provoking.

There are basically two classes of armed robbers, the psychotics and the normal robbers who want to enjoy the booty acquired during the robbery.

They consider their lives as sacrosanct and are prepared to escape alive at all cost. As a matter of fact, they tend to avoid hard targets so that there will be no confrontation with equally armed protective clusters like police forces.

This is how our policemen failed to catch these tactical robbers. The psychotics do not care of life. His/her doctrine is to kill or be killed since he is desperate to flue his venom on the society – that is why some of our police officers who do not want to die that way fear to face the robbers in Juba.

Armed robbers in this category engage in mindless killing, raping and elimination of any opposition to their immoral activities.

They go for the broke and put their victims in a psychological revulsion, taking away the chauvinism in their victims.

These armed robbers are either mavens or the starved ones in the city. They fear police forces and the reaction of people.

They prefer areas of the city where there is little chance of law abiding citizens providing collective defence against their attacks.

Others in this category include pick-pockets, muggers and petty thieves who take advantage of confused situation to perpetrate minor crimes.

In sum, your next-door neighbour may be an armed robber. This is a country where swindlers and people of dubious characters without visible and productive means of livelihood act as pathfinders and celebrities.

You might notice that those robbers who were in Kampala, Nairobi and Khartoum have flown to Juba. Just be very careful.

Let no one have illusions that the war against crime especially armed robbery will be a pushover in South Sudan.

With the collapse of core virtues, corruption, divorces, the harsh economic situation prevailing in our own part of the world and plenty of guns let loose in the hands of starved-gunmen into unknown gunmen prowling around, make a long drawn battle.

Do we just fold our arms? Of course not, we must cooperate with security forces to minimize crimes.

These are crimes in which the armed robbers themselves are not direct beneficiaries of the earnings from the robberies.

One characteristic of these types of robbery is that it is often accompanied by high rate of fatalities. It is in line with the aphorism of hired assassins.

The robbers are hired to carry out the operation on payment of agreed fees. There used to be cases of politically motivated killings. The beneficiaries might even be the owners of the stolen items or robbed targets.

Those robbers involved might even be mobilized to the area of operation and will disperse similarly after the operation, which makes police investigation difficult.

Most of the factors considered are similar to those of pre-planned operation. Other cases of killing are tribal and regional. Take the case of Mundri-Rumbek road where innocent people are sometimes killed on their ways home. This is organized crimes.

Finally, citizens are encouraged not be heroic by risking their lives. There is a need to comply if you can’t help yourself when attacked by robbers. Or just be deliberate in your action if you are ordered to handover the money or anything in your hands.

Your life is precious than the property. The simpler way to reduce gun related crimes and death is to disarm and collect guns from the masses in our city. Where there are few guns, there’re no gun related deaths and robberies.

Deng Mangok Ayuel is a columnist and South Sudanese blogger. He currently lives in Juba and can be reached via

The origin of the “so-called born to rule” folktale: A South Sudanese perspective

BY: Rambang Deng Gach, Khartoum, Sudan, OCT/26/2015, SSN;

With the cliché’s origin deeply rooted in the history of Scythians who roamed the earth and thrived in anarchy and war more than seven thousand years before Christ, tells a lot about how outdated the concept is. This confirms that the concept cannot be resuscitated and applied in this age and time, only a moron can argue to justify its relevance.

As South Sudanese, It is important we dialogue on the aspects of the ‘born to rule’ mentality; focus some light on how this controversial and violent cliché finds its way into our peaceful, obliging and God-loving communities.

An exchange about such issue is important for us in order to understand the complexity of the origin of the cliché and how it influenced and consumed the psychic of the entire community.

Born to rule has a lot to do with domination and marginalization amongst others, which are the salient features of the rejected old Sudan’s policy of suppression and trepidation.

Military dictators (Abuod, Numeri & El Basheer) who frequently usurped power under the pretext of preserving the unity of the country, dominated the political space in the old Sudan, as such, inspired and contributed in the reconstruction and reintroduction of this social vice and helped resurrect the so-called “born to rule” cliché.

After the successful revolt in Torit 1955, the mutineers were ubiquitously spitting poisonous venom in the deep jungles of the south. In the corridors of power in Khartoum, the ruling elites were getting impatient and irritated by the surging number of this ragtag group.

The ensuing fighting was fierce and rampant, forcing Garang, Gatluak and Ladu to leave their villages and relocate to Khartoum in search of security and peace. They arrived Khartoum safely and immediately pledged to support one another in such an alien terrain, reassuring themselves “united we stand”, to comfort and strengthen their brotherhood.

To keep up with the latest news, the trio agreed to regularly meet and discuss how they could overcome difficulties of Khartoum’s busy life as well as follow the developments in the jungles and how they could render a hand.

Employment opportunities were getting a bit scarce and Garang was petrified of becoming a hobo, he was soon domesticated and became a “house Negro”, a job only reserved to the very few who are willing to sacrifice their life for the ‘Massa’ and his family.

Ladu preferred to take a hike and be humiliated by Kenyans and Ugandans; hoping to procure more poison that could boost Lago and company.

Gatluak on the other hand, was suspicious of Garang’s movements and eventual tied involvement with Mohamed, he accepted to endure humiliation and stayed put to keep an eye on him, and document while taking a labor job in the booming construction industry nearby.

Garang’s decision to stay put proved beneficial as notable changes gradually started to appear on his skin (shedding those dead flakes), physical structure (belly protruded) and the way he carries himself (observes social customs); now in clover, Garang spectacularly transformed as he copycat all aspects of Mohamed’s lifestyle including his religion.

The exemplary loyalty and dedication earned him the trust and love of Mohamed. As a result, the domestic helper gained recognition, status and soon entered into smelly deals with Mohamed to contain the spread of poison in the jungle.

Now, the domestic helper turned politician, and with financial and organizational backing from Mohamed, evolved and quickly learned the tricks of Mohamed who groomed him to represent the 63.

In lieu of loyalty and adoration, Mohamed instilled in Garang the arts of manipulation, corruption and the theories of ‘divide and rule’. Garang’s confidence to lead grew and dangerously consumed his psychic, inducing uncontrollable passion to manipulate the system in order to lead forever.

Mohamed practiced the Machiavellian game repeatedly with Garang and advised him at his graduation, to always “tamper and manipulate the ball”, to keep the folks in disarray, indeed Garang incorporated to the game, his new method of “hide the ball” to keep the folks baffled.

Mohamed was impressed and commended Garang’s ingenious technique of ball hiding, patting him on the back and with a smile “you’re born to rule”. Hence, the emergence of ‘born to rule’ cliché in the Sudanese vocabulary.

Mohamed wants his prodigy (Garang) to learn high level organizational skills and therefore, introduced Garang to the El-Mahadeiyah and El-Khatimeiyah religious sects (these religious sects are among the well-established political powerhouses in the Sudan that survived military suppression over the years).

Garang’s fascination and growing obsession with power took him to every Mosque in the triangle capital to study Islamic secrets of manipulation and control.

Armed with knowledge and blessings from the Sheikhs and Mullahs, and to the amazement of the faithful, Garang was able to successfully hide the ball from everyone including El Sadiq El Mahdi and Mohamed El Marghani.

Garang’s imitation of the two religious sects helped make him a well-recognized political household name, and the viceroy who dictated the terms when it comes to the politics of South Sudan.

Any group or individual who exhibited leadership aspirations in South Sudan is perceived to be a threat to Garang’s interest and hence, a non grata in any political discourse as he/she becomes the target of sinister campaign and accusations by Garang’s establishment, portraying that group or individual as enemy and traitor hired by the Arabs.

In spite of Garang’s proximity to the source of power (Arabs) more than anybody else in the south, and his well-established connection with ruling elites, Garang looked with extreme suspicion and raised eyebrows to any group or individual who ventured close enough to rub shoulders with the dominant ruling elites.

The generally expected and acceptable standard from all South Sudanese, is to voluntarily relinquish any leadership aspirations and accept that Garang is the only credible link between the North Sudan ruling elites and South Sudanese, he who wants to go to the ruling elites must first seek endorsement and blessings from the anointed prodigy.

Garang believed that any other South Sudanese citizens are incapable or informed enough to manage the relations with the ruling elites as they could be used, cheated or blackmailed.

The anointed one would not hesitate to describe as ‘Nyagat’ any group or individual who defies the blanket ban on all South Sudanese to engage in national politics.

Ladu once confided to Gatluak that, the connection between Mohamed and Garang is rumored in some circles to have been knotted before Sudan’s independence, as such they stood the test of time in spite of recent ambitious attempt by Dr. Lam Akol from tiny Chollo community, whose challenge for the leadership was deemed a grand conspiracy with far reaching external arms.

Garang remained the most trusted ally of the ruling elites and throughout their long commitment, Garang’s establishment was rewarded generously with three Vice President Positions (Abel Alier, George Kongor and Prof. Machar) and Deputy Prime minister (Aldo Ajou) in addition to numerous ministerial posts.

Only Gen. Joseph Lago, from Equatoria was able to out-smart the anointed one and managed to maneuver his way to Vice President’s office. A move that confounded Garang’s machination to this very day.

Owing to Garang’s proximity to the system, he indeed established himself as a force with regional and international connections that apparently availed to him enormous educational, economic and political advantages over other South Sudanese.

Being a stooge and apprentice of the master manipulator for many years helped Garang perfect the game of trickery and conspiracy to control and abuse the innocent and God fearing people of South Sudan.

Luckily enough, Garang miscalculated the resolve of South Sudanese people who fought passionately to defeat the Arabs’ policies of marginalization, domination and unbalanced development.

As the saying goes, “the best prediction of future behaviors is past relevant patterns”, Garang had exposed his agenda and narcissistic egomaniacal attitude; he is running out of both luck and options.

For the records, the only trick up Garang’s sleeves is bribery, and with the dwindling cash flow and deteriorating economy, Garang’s days are indeed numbered.
The end!

By Mr. Rambang Deng Gach
Khartoum, Sudan

Col. Phillip Aguer nominated by Twic East Community as Jonglei State Governor

Press Release, OCT/26/2015, SSN;

Congratulations to Twic East Community on successful nominations of their gubernatorial candidates (Jonglei state).

Elections being a credible and a democratic means of getting leaders in a modern societies, we would wish on behalf of Greater Bor Communities in Kenya extend first and foremost our heart-felt congratulations, felicitations and internal gratitude to his Excellency Comrade, General Salva Kiir Mayardit for opening up democratic space for various states, newly established by republican order no 36 of 2015 by allowing public participation in identifying their would-be governors in their new states.

Kudos to him. This is a step in the right direction and we urge him to continue in the same spirit. On the same token we wish him to respect his orders, the powers he has given to the people to choose their leaders and stick to peoples’ choices in his final appointment of these governors.

Our special thanks go to the Twic East people in particular and the Greater Bor Community in general for the credible and transparent process of nominations of candidates, the political field was really over crowded with various candidates declaring their candidatures from boma to payams and finally to the county level (Twic East). This was a good sign for our communities because a community that seeks leadership through democratic means is not a bad community.

The arrangement saw numerous candidates eliminated in the race since the number of candidates required of the final nomination was narrowed down to the three best candidates. The process of doing this was quite clear.

Twic East Community being a giant in terms of human resource, intellectual capacity and a land of myriad of professors could not be defeated in resolving a little hiccup in Ajuong payam’s nomination process.

The nomination requirement was that each of the five Payams of Twic East were to presented one aspirant except Kongor that had opted not to present any candidate in the spirit of sharing.

However Ajuong payam in their nomination at boma level could not come up with one person and ended up taking the four aspirants to Twic East for determination.

When the issue of Ajuong payam nomination reached cul-de-sac, it was forwarded to Twic East general assembly in Juba for final verdict.

The county members decided to form a committee headed by Prof. Ajang Bior Duot (Ajangatoot) and few other elders and intellectuals with wealth of knowledge and experiences.

The committee came up with an Electoral College system where each of the five Payams except Ajuong was asked to identify five delegates (voters) totaling to 20 persons to vote and screen the Ajuong candidates from four to one person. The vote went as follow:
1) Col. Philip Aguer Panyang 14 votes
2) Peter Dut Kezekiah Barach 4 votes
3) Col. Machar Akec Machar 2 votes
4) Hon. Deng Dau Deng zero vote( 0)

It was as transparent as indicated herein, Col. Philip Aguer being the winning candidate of Ajuong payam had to compete with 3 other candidates, from Lith payam Dr. Dau Aleer, Pakeer payam Ateng Amos Agok and Nyuak payam Dut Achuek Lual.

Again the able committee devised another formula of identifying Electoral College voters 10 from each of the five Payams of Twic East totaling to 50 voters who voted using rank system of voting whereby each voter was asked to tick three preferred candidates in the ballot and rank them in the order of 1-3. Thus the results were as follows:

1) Col. Philip Aguer Panyang 32 votes
2) Ateng Amos Agok 31 votes
3) Dut Achuek Lual 29 votes
4) Dr Dau Aleer Abit 21 votes

The first three names will be presented to his Excellency, the president for his scrutiny, and vetting and final appointment for Jonglei state governor.

Congrats to Greater Bor community (GBC) for the crystal clear process of arriving at the final list/names of potential candidates for Jonglei state gubernatorial race.

There is no time for abracadabra but enough time for work and speedy development in our republic and Jonglei state in particular.

1) Dabek Duot Yak-GBC Chairman in Kenya
2) Ayuel Atem Ayuel-chairman-Ajuong Community in Kenya
3) Alier Gai Awan –chairman-Pakeer Community in Kenya
4) Deng Bul Chol-Ayual community in Kenya.

Tricky Legal Game Between Parliament And Judiciary on Kiir’s E/O#36/2015

QUOTE: “Laws prevented people from doing violent deeds that could be seen – Sophist Critias

By James Okuk, PhD, Lecture political Science, OCT/21/2015, SSN;

In its Sitting No.7/2015 in the First Session (2015) at the National Legislative Assembly’s Main Hall in Juba on Tuesday 20th October 2015, the National Legislature (in its joint NLA and CS Setting) agreed to the Presentation of Transitional Constitution, 2011 (Amendment No.2 for 2015) by Minister of Justice.

In adherence to Article 83(1) Hon. Paulino Wanawilla Unango tabled the draft amendment based on the directives of the Extraordinary Meeting of the National Council of Ministers that was chaired by President Salva Kiir Mayardit on Tuesday 13th October 2015 in Juba where the creation of 28 states got approved as per Republican Establishment Order (EO#36/2015).

According to him, the proposed amendment has been drafted in accordance with powers vested in the President of the Republic under Article 101(f), and also vested in the National Legislature under Articles 55(3)(a) and Article 199 of the Constitution.

The justification was that further decentralization of system of governance has been a popular demand and that H.E. Mr. President decided to respond, subjecting amendment of Articles 162(1), 164(1) and 165(1) which provides for the 10 currently existing states of South Sudan and their Legislative Assemblies and Governors who are supposed to be elected by their eligible residents respectively.

The Amendment is intended to abolish the 10 states and give the President of the Republic more powers to appoint new Governors and Members of the Legislative Assemblies of the new 28 States.

However, the Leader of Minority in the NLA, Hon. Onyoti Adigo Nyikwec, and in practice of his constitutional right (Article 71(b)) of the second reply to a presentation in the August House, raised a Procedural Order by referring to the National Legislature Conduct of Business Regulations (2013) under Chapter IX of Rules of Debate (Sub-Judice Rule 54) which stipulates that “Reference shall not be made to any matter on which judicial decision is pending in such a way as may in the opinion of the Speaker, prejudice the interest of any party to the action.”

As it is known, the matter has been taken to Supreme Court on 16th October 2015 by the National Alliance led by Dr. Lam Akol, seeking a stay of execution and invalidation of the EO#36/2015 because it violates the Agreement on Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS) that was adopted by the National Legislature on 10th September 2015 after it was signed by President Kiir in Juba on 26th August, and because it lacks fundamental legal basis as it violates the Transitional Constitution (2011) and usurps powers of the National Legislature.

Mr. Speaker Hon. Manase Magok Rundial noted the objection in accordance with Article 73 (2) which obliges him to ensure that the Conduct of Business Regulations of the House is respected and enforced.

Nonetheless, instead of staying the draft amendment he chose to refer it to the Inter-House Committee that he directed to study the matter before tabling it to the August House in one month time as required by the constitution so that it is discussed and passed by two-thirds majority if the quorum is reached.

Thus, the game of the law-making and law-execution with eagle eye from the non-violence opposition is now at the pitch with a tricky wait for the announcement of the winner. Article (93) of the Transitional Constitution stipulates that “No court or any other authority shall call into question the validity of any proceedings of the National Legislature or any of its two Houses on the basis of violation of its Conduct of Business Regulations.”

Also Articles 125 (3)(4)(5) and 126 (1) (a) defines the Supreme Court as composed of the Chief Justice, Deputy and not less than nine other Justices who should act as custodian of constitutional interpretations as they issue final and binding verdicts above Parliaments, Governments or President of South Sudan.

But it has been witnessed that the Chief Justice has already crossed the territory of the ‘Conflict of Interest’: “Your Excellency President of the Republic Salva Kiir Mayardit, I, the Chairman of the Aguok Community in Juba, Justice Chan Reec Madut on behalf of the entire Aguok Community and on my own behalf seize to take this opportunity to congratulate you for your bold decision for the creation of Gogrial State among others …Go ahead with the implementation and we are fully behind you.”

Will the Chief Justice excuse himself from the Panel of Supreme Justices so that the ruling is not prejudiced and justice aborted on the petitioned matter that is now before him at the Court Room? What a Civil Game!

The Judiciary might have desired the Parliament to endorse the EO#36/2015 first before the verdict of the Supreme Court on the National Alliance’s Petition. But the Parliament might now wait for the Judiciary to finalize the case before proceeding with the proposed draft constitutional amendment deliberations.

The donkey of El-Sheikh is now stuck at the crossroads. Perhaps, the President will take the law into his hands and go ahead with execution of his EO#36/2015 when the thirty days have elapsed by the first week of November instant, especially when names of nominated governors and MPs are now flying to his office.

But it is said in political wisdom that unchecked powers corrupts while absolute powers corrupts absolutely. Our democracy is indeed in big trouble.

An ancient Sophist lawyer called Protagoras once presented an eristic court suit argument regarding a conflict in payment of education fees by an intelligent student. They have agreed before that the Sophist will teach him wisdom and virtue in return for money. At the same time the ancient Greek law obliges honoring of contracts that has been entered by the parties.

Now before entering the court room the Sophist lawyer said: 1) if the student wins, he must pay according to the agreement; 2) If I win, the student must pay according to the law.

But the Student was saying: 1) If I lose, the agreement hasn’t been fulfilled, so I don’t have to pay; 2) but if I win, I shouldn’t have to pay according to law, which now overrides the agreement.

Dr. James Okuk is a lecturer of politics reachable at

Chollo (Shilluk) Petition to UN Sec.Gen. on the Establishment Order Issued by the President of the Republic of South Sudan Dividing the Country into 28 States

Date: October 16, 2015
To: UN Secretary General, the Hon. Ban Ki-moon
United Nations Headquarters
885 Second Avenue New York, NY 10017, USA.

Subject: Chollo (Shilluk) Petition on the Establishment Order Issued by the President of the Republic of South Sudan Dividing the Country into 28 States

Dear Mr. Secretary General,
We, the Chollo (Shilluk) community in the Diaspora would like to present this petition to you as an appeal to urgently intervene to arrest the catastrophic situation that may befall our country, the Republic of South Sudan, as a result of President Salva Kiir’s recent “Establishment Order Number 36/2015 for the creation of 28 states”.

We are profoundly concerned about the Establishment Order because it has adversely affected the territorial boundaries of our kingdom, the Chollo Kingdom. Thus we demand immediate revocation of the Establishment Order. The situation is so grave and deeply disturbing that we urge your immediate attention and action before the situation develops into a catastrophic confrontation and conflict between the affected communities.

Your Excellency, here is our case and recommendations for your consideration:
On Friday the 2nd of October 2015, the President of the Republic of South Sudan surprised the country by issuing an Order establishing 28 States instead of the existing ten. No studies or popular consultations were carried out as to the viability of the new states some of which are quite small counties.

The Order is a flagrant violation of some Articles of the Constitution: 55(3), 59(a), 86(5), and 162(1) among others. It is also a contravention of the “Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan” signed in Addis Ababa and Juba on the 17th and 26th of August. This becomes abundantly clear in reference to the Preamble, Articles 3 and 15 of Chapter I and more importantly Articles 2 and 3 of Chapter VIII.

The Peace Agreement has sufficiently provided that the devolution of power and resources to the sub-national levels of government will be dealt with during the Transitional period which is about to begin in two months’ time. This being the case, why issue the Order now that purports to be doing the same?

The answer is that the President and his Jieng (Dinka) Council of Elders see the implementation of the Peace Agreement as obstructing their long well thought out plan to establish a Dinka-controlled state in Upper Nile. The timing is critical so as to create a new reality on the ground in Upper Nile and Unity states, with Governors to be nominated by the armed Opposition, before the commencement of the implementation of the Peace Agreement.

In Upper Nile State, Chollo lands that were being claimed by the Dinka east of the Nile are granted to them, and the oil territories in Unity state are carved out into a state which is exclusively Dinka by joining two Dinka counties which do not share a border (unless a Nuer territory that borders both is annexed to the new state), so as to prove Kiir’s theory that oil in South Sudan belongs to the Dinka.

This is purely a tribal game. Little wonder that it is only the Dinkas who are celebrating in support of the move.

The consequence of this gerrymandering is that the Chollo Kingdom got divided into two with some Chollo in one state west of the Nile and others in another east of it. The Chollo in the east are to be reduced into a minority in a Dinka state that extends from the border with Sudan in the north to the northern border of the Fangak Nuer in Jonglei state in the south.

The Dinkas that formed the northern part of the old Fangak District in Jonglei state are to be annexed to this large state to increase the number of the Dinkas in it to ensure tribal domination of other minorities including Chollo.

Therefore, the Chollo Kingdom has been divided between two states for the first time in its 500 years since its inception. It is also the first time for State and County borders to be breached since the advent of administration in Sudan and South Sudan.

The Chollo Kingdom predates the concept of government in South Sudan and Chollo cannot accept any power on earth to temper with their system for tribal interest. Since President Salva Kiir is bent on creating states composed of single tribes, no tribe or tribal section is more worthy than Chollo nation to get its own state by virtue of its organization, history, economic viability and population size.

It is a well known fact that some Dinkas neighbouring Chollo have been laying baseless claims on Chollo lands east of the Nile since late 1970s up to the time of the issuance of this Order.

In the past, the authorities in Juba have ruled in favor of Chollo on the basis of facts on the ground. However, since President Salva Kiir assumed power he has been consistently supporting the Dinka in their greed to grab Chollo land.

All Chollo attempts to get the issue resolved through a technical committee to peg the borders on the ground in accordance with the agreed 1/1/1956 borders fell on deaf ears. One petition after another to President Salva Kiir himself and his government were thrown into the wastebasket.

We have given a detailed account of these attempts in our petition to the Secretary General of the United Nations dated 19 July, 2010, which is hereby attached for easy reference. By this Order, President Salva Kiir is misusing power in order to impose new borders between Chollo and the Dinka as claimed by the Dinka.

This position proves what we have been saying all along that the government of President Salva Kiir was complicit in the insecurity that has been created by the Dinka in Chollo Kingdom since 2005.

This attempt by the government in Juba to give Chollo land to the Dinka threatens instability in the area and is a recipe for conflict and confrontation. Let the Dinka neighbouring Chollo tell the world the moment in history when they were occupying the lands they now claim, and had to be subsequently displaced from it by Chollo.

Chollo displacement of Dinka at some distant time in history would be the only plausible reason for the Dinka to claim their lands back. However, there is nothing of the sort.

On the contrary, it has been the Chollo sovereign that had provided protection throughout history to Dinka neighbouring the Kingdom. As mentioned earlier, Chollo came to where they are today in the 16th century.

The first Dinka to arrive east of the Nile did so in the 18th century (Abilang and Dingjol). The rest came to their present settlements in the 19th century following the Nuer migration to the current Jonglei state. The Ngok Dinka are actually occupying areas vacated by the Anuak on their eastward migration as evidenced by the names Abong, Adong, Gel Achiel, etc. These are well documented historical facts.

There is no doubt that the raison d’etre for the issuance of this Order at this time is to obstruct the implementation of the recently signed Peace Agreement that is likely to stop tribal schemes. It is important to bear this mind.

President Salva Kiir’s objective to grab the lands of Chollo and other tribes in the interest of his tribe the Dinka through abuse of power must be confronted by all. We humbly call for the following steps to be undertaken:

(a)- The Establishment Order issued by President Salva Kiir on 2/10/2015 is to be declared null and void as it violates both the Constitution and the Peace Agreement;

(b)- The guarantors of the Peace Agreement (in the region and internationally) must take a decisive action to prevent President Salva Kiir or anyone else from obstructing the implementation of the Agreement as its unraveling will result in a more destructive war between the tribes marking the end of the new country.

(c)- President Salva Kiir to be held accountable for committing gross violation of the Constitution and throwing the country into a tribal conflict;

(d)- The institution of an independent and impartial international fact-finding committee to investigate the atrocities that took place in Chollo land since 2005;

(e)- On the basis of the findings of the investigation committee above, all the culprits ought to be committed to a transparent international judicial process;

(f)- The issues of devolution of power and resources to sub-national levels must be deferred to be discussed during the Transitional Period as stated in the Peace Agreement;

(g)- A technical committee of surveyors must be formed at the commencement of the Transition so as to demarcate the boundaries of the old districts and provinces comprising the existing counties or states as per the 1/1/1956 boundary. These are the agreed boundaries as per the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2005 and the GoSS Council of Minsters’ resolutions in its meetings Nos. 01/2009 and 08/2009 in the year 2009. This demarcation must precede discussing the change of states’ borders.

The Chollo nation is a peace-loving people and has never been in conflict with its neighbors throughout the modern history. So far, we have been seeking and still seek amicable settlement of the land dispute affecting our people.

However, it appears that some quarters are misreading our peaceful nature to be a sign of weakness. If pushed to the wall as this Order is bent on, the Chollo are more than ready to exercise their right of self-defense under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in order to defend their ancestral land and live with dignity.

Your Excellency, your prompt intervention into this serious security matter is necessary and urgently needed, so as to avert total anarchy South Sudan may descend into if President Salva Kiir’s “Establishment Order Number 36/2015 for the Creation of 28 States” is not revoked.

Yours sincerely,
Signed by Chollo (Shilluk) Community in:

The United Kingdom
1. Dr Joseph Kucburo Ajang
2. Mr. Peter Fashoda Ageng
3. Mr. Gabriel Gwang Ajang
4. Mr. Karlo Kwol Akol
5. Mr. Ojiango Abar Dingmejok
6. Mr. Okuc Peter Awol Ajal
7. Mrs. Mary Otor
8. Mrs. Veronica Saverio Ayik
9. Mrs. Lucia Aywok Bol

An open letter to a potential governor of Eastern Lakes state (ELS)

From: Agok Takpiny , Australia, Melbourne, OCT/19/2015, SSN;

Yirol, the capital of a newly created Eastern Lakes state is a beautiful semi-urban area and it is where I was born and spent my childhood as well as adolescence live. It is situated beside a majestic lake Yirol. The green environment, comfortable weather, fresh air, scenic beauty and the simple life of people were the things I grew up knowing about Yirol.

In a broader view, Yirol has not changed that much compared to the time I lived there, but, of course, some changes have occurred over the period. High rise buildings (yes, two storey buildings) and many modern residential houses (thanks to our ‘big men”) can be seen everywhere.

Traditional farming and cattle herding were the main occupations. Traditionally, during the rainy season, which usually start in late April, young men packed up from cattle camps and go to villages to cultivate their fields together with their mothers or wives.

After two months, they would go back to cattle camps while their mothers or wives remain to look after the crops. By doing so, hunger was never close to entered the community, there was always plenty of food and everyone looks healthy.

That was the Yirol I grew up, however, this has changed for the worst. People almost gave up cultivation completely. It is like we have got the independence “everything will be milk and honey”.

We got to stop this, we need to return Yirol to its days of glory, and our next state government must do everything in its power to make people cultivate their fields again. There needs to be a strategy coordinated by the governor and carried out by chiefs with their goal leaders.

Every man who is not running a business or working for a paying job must have a home in his village, build a hut and make sure he cultivates his field come the rainy season.

Failure to comply with that would allow the state government to forcefully take those people to work on the government’s own farm which needed to be set up. There is no UN anymore and it is upon us to make sure that food is available.

The other changes are that people are widely accepting the modern technology and businesses have expanded (although almost all businesses are owned by Darfuris). The motorized transportation has replaced the manual ways of travelling, you know people used to walk from Yirol center to Aweirial or AluakLuak (a distance of more than 50 km each direction).

However, that is not the case anymore, now they can just catch a bus or hire a boda boda motorcycle. The lifestyle and fashion seem very different to what they used to be, the dance style of kabulo/bull has changed from the traditional energetic one to the more slow motion style, I can’t get the tune of it at all, but they seem to enjoy it.

Even kudung has been altered, but that is life, things change, nothing stationary. One of the notable change is Yirol being a state of its own. This is good for us people of Yirol as we are going to determine how we want to run our affairs in a way that is good for our people.

Now comes the challenging part, creating a workable political environment that will enable the citizens of Yirol to unleash their potential is key to state prosperity.

This article is for “you” the potential governor of ELS. It is for “you” too, the citizens of Eastern Lakes state, if you like the things I briefly explained in this article to happen in our state, then you have to choose a governor whom you think will be able to implement them all or some of the ideas herein.

To make Yirol the envy state that every businessman wants to invest in, and every South Sudanese want to live, our very first governor-whoever he/she may be, will need to make Yirol a liveable city.

When I visited Yirol in March this year, I witnessed something that saddens me. Every town or village has its own unique iconic marvels, these can be heritage buildings or trees. Yirol is blessed with majestic Mahogany trees which beautifully stand along four major roads in the town Centre, these trees form a permanent guard of honor to anyone walking along those roads in the town.

However, those trees are threatened by bird’s feces. Anyone who is in Yirol town or has been there recently would agree with me that if nothing is done to rescue the iconic mahogany trees from being destroyed completely by bird pest, then in a year or so the trees will be gone.

It was unbelievable to see the entire ground under those trees which almost cover 75% of town Centre being blanketed by smelly white colored bird’s feces. Apart from potential diseases, it could bring, the level of noise created by those birds at night in particular when roosting together is considerable disturbances.

This exasperating noise if one is new in Yirol town can cause sleepless nights. Controlling those birds need money, but it is not overly expensive. There are many mechanisms that can apply to control those birds, the next governor will just have to tell one of his/her staff members to search for those who specialize in bird pest control on google.

One practical way of solving it is to prune (cut down) top branches of Mahogany tree and many other big trees in town so they can re-grow afresh.

Protecting our people from all sorts of things need to be prioritised. Security is paramount, but the dignity of our people too worth protecting.

Mass rural, urban migration will need to be controlled by imposing a ban on all non-essential travel to Juba. When I went to Juba this year, one thing bothered me a lot. There were so many people from Yirol in Thongpiny suburb than in Nyang town.

The majority of those people went there just to meet people like Rain Tueny, Deng Athorbei, Telar Ring, Marial Chanuong or any other Yirolese who have a decent job in Juba.

Of course not all of them get to meet whoever they went there to meet, thus they end up stranded in Juba unable to go back home.

Furthermore, some men made going to Juba an escape route to avoid their responsibilities. Some men simply left their wives and children back home to struggle on their own.

A simple way to put a stop to this is by setting up an office in Yirol town to give out permits to those who want to go to Juba using public transport.

To get a permit if you are going to look for a job in Juba, you must show your resume/CV. If you are going for treatment in Juba, you must show the referral letter from Yirol hospital, or if there is no referral you must have at least 5000 SSP cash, or if the person who is going to pay for your treatment is in Juba, you must get him/her to confirm this.

If you are a businessman you must tell the name of your business and back it up with witness testimony. Note, those who travel by air or drive their own cars don’t need to apply for a permit simply because they are well off and could afford to cater for themselves in Juba.

Those who are involved in illegal money exchange should go back to Yirol and do their business there because the way they are being hated by the authorities and other tribes are dangerous to their lives and sooner or later someone is going to lose a life among them if nothing is done.

Socially, Yirolese are great people across the board, but that doesn’t mean we have nothing to reform for the better.

To those who have in-depth knowledge about taxation, it is a tool that is more than just collecting money for the sake of raising revenue for the government. Taxation is used to bring change by influencing person’s behaviours to behave in a certain way.

For example, a government can place higher taxes on tobacco to make buying tobacco more expensive just to discourage people from smoking.

In our case, we have dowry problem, dowry payment needs to be capped at 30 cows maximum, anything over that must be taxed 55%. For example, every single cow on top of 30 cows already paid will be valued at 3600 SSP fix regardless whether the cow is big or small. The bride’s parents will need to pay the 55 piasters tax for every 1 ssp.

That means, out of 3600 SSP (value of each cow), the government will get a tax of 1980 SSP from each cow. This is important not only for the revenue side of it, it will curb the runaway dowry prices, which are slowly barring young men who have no one to support them from marrying girls of their choice.

These young men, as already witnessed will engage in constant cattle robbery. So by discouraging excessive dowry payment, the government is solving the cattle wrestling indirectly.

Keep Yirol, Nyang, Aweirial and other major centres clean. Anyone who have a land/plot and did not yet build a house on it must be forced to cut the grass every 2 months and also pay yearly council fees.

Every single house in Yirol town must have a latrine, failure to do so must trigger a fine of not less than 2000 SSP.

Each house must clean not only in the compound but also outside their fence, put simply, each house must know its border with next house and therefore, the cleaning must reach the border where the other house will take it and so forth.

Failure to regularly clean will trigger a fine of not less than 100 SSP. This rule would be enforced by the council.

Commissionership system needs to be abolished and instead introduce mayorship where a county is ruled by a 5 member council headed by a mayor. Each council must have a constitution that explicitly explains what to do and who to do it if Y and Z happens.

Commissionership which give an absolute power to one person is prone to abuse of power by the incumbent and we have seen that numerous times. Commissionership has become an empty boastful prestige position where egos are fulfilled instead of service delivery, it needs to go.

We are unique people and we should not just copy everything from Khartoum or Juba, how we govern ourselves is entirely up to us.

Commissionership system and excessive dowry are not the only things I am hoping to be reformed or abolished altogether. I am also hoping that torturing (whipping) inmates be abolished as well.

When I went to Yirol in March this year I found the infamous former oil factory building (baburzet) which was turned into detention center still operating. In Baburzet, inmates are beaten terribly twice a day.

Instead of whipping inmates, hard labor should be introduced. We have an airport to build, our current airstrip is in the middle of the town center, and it ought to be moved at least 10 km away. Therefore, clearing the area where the airstrip would be built need to start early.

Each inmate should be shown a tree or trees to clear from the roots and smoothen where the tree was removed. Yes, our famous headmaster in Comboni School Mapurdit successfully implemented that in 1990s.

Whenever a student broke the rule by fighting each other or anybody who is weak (women) in the school ground, their punishment was to uproot a tree or trees depending on the severity of the offense.

It may sound hard enough, but it is better than whipping. It works in our school back then as our school expended, the administration only paid for the new classroom buildings while the land has already been cleared by offenders. Furthermore, fighting each other was reduced to near zero.

In addition, instead of banning alcohol like what current Lakes State governor, Matur Chut, did in the former Lakes state, those who get intoxicated and start to misbehave at weekdays should be taken to the field, detain them until they are sober enough and then show them their trees to uproot.

There are widows who depend on income from alcohol they brew and sell, and there are also those who drink responsibly, so banning alcohol is being inconsiderate to this group.

Thanks for reading this article.

What Uganda Army (UPDF) withdrawal means for Salva Kiir

By Risdel Kasasira, DAILY Monitor, OCT/18/2015, SSN;

When UPDF deployed in South Sudan 22 months ago, three reasons were given for intervention, including evacuating Ugandans caught up in the fighting.

The second reason was that UPDF had been invited by a legitimate government to ensure order and the third reason was that the regional bloc, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), had sanctioned the intervention following a request by the UN secretary General, Mr Ban Ki-moon.

What government didn’t say was Khartoum’s invisible hand in the conflict and also the need to protect Uganda’s economic interests.

According to military sources, President Omar Al-Bashir has been close to Riek Machar whom the regime in Kampala sees as an adversary.

Despite the war, South Sudan remained the biggest market for Ugandan products such as cement, beverages and agricultural produce.

Therefore, it was not a surprise that as the conflict escalated, Ugandan troops started fighting on the side of forces loyal to President Salva Kiir.

In the end, UPDF become a protagonist in the conflict and was accused of propping up Kiir’s regime. And indeed, If UPDF had not intervened, President Kiir would probably not be president to date.

What next?
However, with UPDF leaving, are Uganda’s security and economic interests protected? Is President Kiir’s interest to remain president secure?

Answers to this question depend on the internal political, economic and security dynamics in South Sudan, regional and international community interests.

But majorly, its regional and internal politics will be critical in determining the internal politics in world’s newest nation.

“There is a very big shift in geopolitical interests. President Museveni has reconciled with President Bashir who has been hostile to Uganda.

Therefore, even if Machar comes to Juba as President, his government may not be hostile to Uganda,” says Hassan Kaps Fungaroo, the Shadow minister for Defence and Internal Affairs.

Historical relations between Uganda and Sudan have been tense, with both countries backing armed proxies fighting over the status of South Sudan.

But in September this year, President Museveni made a rare visit to Khartoum that represents a significant shift in the relations between the two countries.

It was a smart diplomatic move by President Museveni to reach out to President Bashir because Kampala will now have less control over events in South Sudan without a presence in Juba and other parts of the country.

If regimes in Kampala and Khartoum are close allies, they can easily compel Juba to do what they want because South Sudan majorly depends on the two countries for survival.

LRA issue
South Sudan’s economy entirely depends on oil with the refineries located in Sudan and almost all food and other goods like beverages consumed coming from Uganda. Therefore, reconciling with Khartoum is not only good for Uganda but also for South Sudan and Sudan.

Anyone who wants to economically and politically distabilise Uganda will first distabilise South Sudan for it to be a safe haven for negative forces like the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels under Joseph Kony.

Northern Uganda is peaceful because South Sudan is Uganda’s buffer zone and that’s why Kony who was allegedly getting support from Khartoum was pushed out and later fled to the Central African Republic (CAR).

Some have previously argued that LRA can come back and attack Uganda and South Sudan with the help of some hostile regimes but no government or regime would want to be associated with a person like Kony who is being hunted by Americans and also wanted by the International Criminal Court.

Another critical factor that will determine South Sudan’s security situation is the 12,600 strong-UN force that is replacing the UPDF.

The force will be deployed under Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter and it authorises the force to use “all means necessary” to protect civilians and deter violence.

If “all means necessary” includes carrying out targeted offensive operations to neutralise parties that violate the peace deal like Force Intervention Brigade in DR Congo, the UN force could help to bring peace.

But the challenge with such UN force is that it’s drawn from different countries with different interests and it’s not always cohesive.

“It might be business as usual where you have these UN troops getting good salaries and all the benefits but the local people are suffering.

It has been happening in DR Congo and other parts of the world,” says Sam Mwebaze, a Master student of International Relations at Makerere University.

It should also be understood that President Kiir in January 2014 accused the UNMISS, which is replacing UPDF of supporting the opposition, an allegation the UN strongly denied and dismissed.

Even last week South Sudan’s information minister Michael Makuei Lueth, told reporters in Juba that Salva Kiir was not attending the September 29 UN meeting because the UN had been treating Kiir like a “schoolboy.”

Role of UN
Therefore, there is already lack of trust between the UN and president Kiir.

More worrying, Juba is supposed to be demilitarised, and all government forces, according to the Addis Ababa agreement signed on August 26, are supposed to move 25km out of the capital and therefore president Kiir will be majorly at the mercy of this UN force.

However, Mr Ateny Wek Ateny, the government spokesperson, says the president will remain with about 5,000 presidential guards, fire brigade, police and wildlife warders.

“There will be no security vacuum. With these presidential guards and police, the city will be safe and the president will also be safe,” he said.

Mr Ateny also says government has more than 100,000 soldiers that can be deployed to defend their country.

But what he does not explain is why the government has failed to defeat Machar who now controls a swathe of territory with an intact fighting force.

A UPDF retired captain, who doesn’t want to be named because of the sensitivity of the matter, currently working for a European security firm in South Sudan, describes SPLA, as “ a disorganised and poorly trained force”.

“They cannot stand and fight an organised force,” he says
He says when UPDF deployed in December 2013, it was not only fighting Machar but also reorganising the SPLA at the frontline.

“They have guns needed to fight any war in this terrain. But they are disorganised. They are poor at command, planning and war execution. They really need training,” he says.

Another problem president Kiir is facing is the ailing economy. And with this big number of soldiers, it might be hard for him to raise the money to pay the soldiers.

In May this year, Mr Kiir acknowledged in his speech that South Sudanese have been hit hard by the ailing economy.

He blamed the fighting and falling crude prices for hobbling his country’s oil industry, which is South Sudan’s economic lifeline.

In the same month, a team of South Sudan officials led by vice president Wani Igga was in Kampala to seek financial help but government sources say Uganda only promised it would offer financial advice.

With these changing dynamics, Mr Fungaroo argues that the regional leaders are “ditching” President Kiir because he has failed to solve governance problems within SPLA/M and they are tired of continuously supporting his government from falling.

“There is a shift in geopolitics. Salva Kiir is being ditched” he says. But spurning President Kiir would not be easy.

It’s also risky because edging him out would be opening another frontline that could divide the country that is already ethnically and tribally divided. END