Archive for: December 2014

Our intellectual journey towards a coherent political ideology

BY: Peter Adwok Nyaba PhD, KENYA, DEC/30/2014, 2014, SSN;


Dr. Lual Deng, in his rejoinder to my response to Mr. Abraham Lueth’s piece in reference to revocation of South Sudan membership in AGOA while cautioning Dr. James Okuk and me to focus the debate on the issues facing our country, introduced an important concept of ‘our intellectual journey towards coherent political ideals.’ I preferred to reword this conceptual construct as ‘intellectual journey towards a coherent political ideology,’ However, while retaining its structure I believe its important constituent concepts should be ‘liberation’, ‘state’ and ‘society’ put in a reverse order to place the discourse in its South Sudan historical context.

Many South Sudanese researchers and writers have published books, in referral journals and newspapers on the social and political configuration of South Sudan with little or no policy impact in the sociology and political economy of the country. The dominant political remains impervious to the oral and published critique. The rate at which our young republic of South Sudan is sliding back into prehistory is alarming. This is a modest contribution to the discourse on the inordinately huge challenges facing the people of South Sudan as they construct their state and build their nation.

The research we conducted in the context of ‘the House of Nationalities’ [Nyaba, 2000] revealed that sixty seven nationalities in their variegated demographic weight differentials, with the Dinka and Makaraka being the single largest and smallest nationalities respectively, populate South Sudan. This fact is important to note, given that these nationalities constitute the building blocks of the South Sudan nation. Indeed the concepts of inclusivity and visibility of each nationality in the national liberation process drove the idea of the house of nationalities in the context of unity in diversity.

Having said that, I want now to problematize the issues that face our young republic of South Sudan along the concepts of ‘society’, ‘state’ and ‘liberation’ in this order. In this exercise, I hope my tools for analysis and synthesis will not fail me. My theoretical foundation of this discourse grounds in Marxist analysis of history that state is a superstructure of society. That is to say, society predates the emergence of state as a social construct. The Sudanese state and for that matter South Sudan as a state is an extension of Westphalian state model transmitted to us through the agency of colonialism in the nineteen century.

Colonialism and colonial rule distorted, indeed interrupted and froze at a primoval stages what would have been the autochthonous development of Sudanese nationalities. While the colonial administration united them in one country nevertheless it instituted the policy of ‘divide and rule’ to segregate, weaken their resistance and prevent solidarity among them. The ‘Closed Districts Ordinance’ was intended to insulate the people of Southern Sudan, the Nuba and Funj from modernizing ideas and ideologies. The colonial administration tasked the Christian Missionaries with the job of block and blunting the social and political consciousness of their converts. Paradoxically the Church inadvertently produced such radical clergy as Fr. Saturnino Lohure..


Except in certain cases where slavery and disease decimated their population, the nationalities that inhabit South Sudan have remained for nearly three hundred years unaffected by industrialization, communication and information technology. Their mode means and relations of production have unchanged over the last two hundred years since the Turco-Egyptian occupation of Sudan [1821 -1885]. There has been extensive social segmentation and migration due to internal or external wars, disease and depletion of resources resulting in differentiation and emergence of subnational groups in adjacent or distant locations. Consequent to separate and sometimes isolated existence some of these subnational groups developed different dialects, traditions and customs.

This phenomenon pronounces more among the Dinka [found in Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile and Kordofan], Nuer [found in Upper Nile and western Ethiopian], Moro [found Equatoria and West Nile in Uganda], the Ateker group [South Sudan, Southwest Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda] and the Murle group [found in Upper Nile, Equatoria and Kenya]. The most characteristic feature of this phenomenon, which anthropologists described as ‘ethnic federation’, is the absence of centralized authority and with it the concept of state.

This contrasts development with the segmentation and migration of the Luo [found in Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile, Western Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and DR Congo], who wherever they settled established some form of centralized authority in the person of the ‘Nyie’ [Anywaa], Reth [Chollo], Ruot [Acholi, Luo (Jur Chol), Luo (Kenya)] representing a primordial state. The Azande [found in South Sudan, DR Congo and Central African Republic] established a state, which the French and the British destroyed consequent to the cooperation between Gbudwe and the Mahdist state. The key point in this theoretical configuration is, whether in acephalous or cephalous societies (where centralized authority has evolved) that society and state remain undifferentiated and power not emancipated (through institutionalization) from the person wielding and exercising it.

On the political economy plane, the mode of social production ranges from gathering, hunting/fishing to subsistence agriculture in crop production and traditional animal husbandry. The relations of production remains communal which also defines the social identity and all that goes with it. The community dominates and defines the individual’s attitudes, perceptions and preferences. The individual remains hostage to the society s/he hails from, which also expects he/r to respond according to its concerns, interests and aspirations. This plays out negatively where the individual holding public office behaves according and responds to society’s expectation in respect of public property. This resulted, more often than not, in abuse of office, corruption, nepotism and similar mal-administrative practices. When you find government, ministry or department, populated by the ethnic community from the top person to junior then you know what I mean.

Although a successor state from the Sudan following independence on July 9, 2011, state formation in South Sudan is at its rudimentary stage precisely because of the development of society and other contributing factors linked o colonialism. The Turco-Egyptian (1821-1885), the Mahdiya (1885 -1898) and the Anglo-Egyptian (1899 -1956) states in the Sudan were brutal, extractive, exploitative and oppressive that linked the Sudan to the world capital system of exploitation. This prompted massive resistance on the part of the people in different parts of the country. The state expanded establishing finally its 1917 international borders at the expense and subjugation of the various kingdoms and nationalities.

The struggle for liberty, freedom and human dignity that characterized the resistance of the people of South Sudan did not end with colonial pacification. It continued after independence of Sudan on January 1st, 1956 against the national governments. In order to achieve independent statehood and international recognition the people of South Sudan had to fight two wars. The two wars and the culture of armed resistance to political exclusion, domination and oppression meant that South Sudan had to forfeit socio-economic development of its human and huge natural resources.

The underdevelopment of the natural resources of South Sudan registers in the low level of social awareness and political consciousness of its people. Social awareness and political consciousness reflected in the culture of political organization and action are a function of socio-economic development. Industrialized parts of the Sudan [Khartoum and Gezira] demonstrate high level of social awareness and political consciousness compared to the less developed parts. In South Sudan, the wars and culture of resistance operated to block potentialities for social and economic development while at the same time unlocking the potentials for violence and war.

This explains why it is easy to mobilise South Sudanese for war than for passive political resistance characteristic of urban proletariat and lumpens in North Sudan. The struggle for social and economic rights in the cities and towns in northern Sudan translate into political struggle resulting in change oppressive regimes e.g. in 1964 and 1985 popular uprisings. It is worth noting that the civil wars fought in southern Sudan created conditions for the success of the two respective popular uprisings.


The concept of liberation links up with the struggle against oppressive reality, which submerges people’s consciousness. As a process liberation obtains in the context of conscientisation, whereby people conceive and change reality consequent to praxis – reflection and action [Paulo Fererri, 1974]. Thus transforming an oppressive reality essentially means liberating the oppressed and the oppressor. In this context, liberation must occur initially at the personal level before it works to produce a counter society emerged from oppression. In 1983, Dr. John Garang de Mabior deserted his post in the Sudan Armed Forces to establish and lead the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army [SPLM/SPLA] to wage the ‘revolutionary’ war of national liberation. The SPLM/SPLA, a section of the national democratic revolution, emerged from South Sudan, which due to its underdevelopment constituted the weakest link in the Sudanese state system and an unlikely spot for revolution .

The ‘society’, ‘state’ and ‘liberation’ linkages played out in a contradiction that produced the current social and political environment in South Sudan, which justifies the notion that revolution leading to social change or transformation can only spearheaded by a conscientious organized working class armed with a political ideology for this transformation. South Sudan consequent to its underdevelopment had no organized working class. The onus of liberation therefore fell on what Amilcar Cabral termed ‘bourgeois petit’ the literate section of society whose dominance in the state and society accrue not from social production of economic wealth but from letters.

According to Cabral, for the petty bourgeois to transform a socially and economically underdeveloped society as obtaining in South Sudan it must commit class suicide to resurrect in the guise of revolutionary intellectuals closely allied in solidarity with the masses of the people. The war of national liberation the SPLM/SPLA spearheaded instead produced a military elite – the SPLA generals, who due to lack of political ideology of transforming society, emerged completely detached from the masses of the people. The clutch slipped and the wheel turned full circle to the starting point of social domination and oppression.

South Sudan is in a state of civil war. Its people have never been as fragmented as today along ethnic and regional fault lines in a manner that jeopardizes its sovereignty and independence. The war quickly eroded the social capital that bounded the people for decades if not centuries enabling them to resist their common enemies. The state in South Sudan is at risk of failing and total collapse. The writings on the wall suggest that UN Security Council or IGAD Regional intervention is imminent. Several factors conspired to construct this socio-political architecture.

The SPLM/SPLA lacked political ideology

As mentioned above the SPLM/SPLA emerged from the backward parts of Sudan characterized by shallow culture of social and political organization. It was a military rather than political insurrection. The failure to evolve a political ideology reflecting the objective reality obtaining in the country and the aspiration of the people condemned the SPLM/SPLA to militarization of society and militarism as its modis operandis rather than political organization for military action. The subculture of militarism eclipsed the political message and character of the SPLM/SPLA pushing to the background the liberation process of conscientisation and transforming the oppressive reality through praxis. The SPLM/SPLA therefore became a militarist machine conditioned by military doctrine and routine that produced and promoted a cult of personality and a subculture that emphasized hierarchical rather than horizontal or comradely relations in the ranks and file as well as between the combatants and civil population among whom they operated. The execution of military action outside its political and ideological context generated serious contradictions within the SPLM/SPLA ranks.

The SPLM/SPLA shunt political education and organization

The conventionalization of the guerrilla war, consequent to availability and external access to abundant military logistics, accelerated the pace of war [Nyaba, 1997]. This deprived the SPLM/SPLA of the opportunity to undertake political mobilisation, education and organization. It is not feasible to conceive of social transformation of an oppressive reality without political education and organization. Political enlightenment and education is necessary for attitudinal change to enable correction perception of the oppressive reality, which submerges the people. Organization is a necessary tool for uniting the people for action.

The absence of political education and organization inadvertently forced the complete and absolute reliance on military discipline leading to alienation of the masses of the people. The SPLM/SPLA interaction with the civil population in essence appeared like liberating the people with the tools of domestication. It produced and passive, rather than active, mass not involved in their own liberation. The condescending attitude of many SPLA combatants that ‘we liberated you’ smacks of this militarist arrogance.

Without change of attitudes, because of political education, it was not possible to disseminate and inculcate in the masses of the people the ideas and principles of social justice, equality, freedom and democracy without which we cannot envisage liberation. Therefore social awareness and political consciousness of the masses fossilized at the primoval level of society.

The SPLM/SPLA leadership disdained institutions and democratic structures

As a corollary of shunning political education and organization was the SPLM/SPLA’s disdain of institutions and structure in the SPLM. That explains why the SPLM produced its draft constitution only in 2008 exactly twenty-five years after the launch of the SPLM/SPLA and the publication of the SPLM Manifesto in July 1983. The resistance to construction of institutions and structures in the SPLM corresponded to the certain logic of absolute power whereby the leader did everything from reflective thinking and conceptualization to the distribution of material goods military or otherwise.

This led to marginalization and exclusion of colleagues in decision-making process of the SPLM generating contradictions within the SPLM/SPLA leadership leading to factionalisation and splinterism. Dr. Lam Akol’s clandestine paper “Why Garang must go now” (1990) came in this context. The refusal to construct institutions that defined the roles and responsibilities in the SPLM/SPLA eventually led to the Nasir Declaration [August 1991] and precipitated the split with the SPLM/SPLA.

The absence of political structures, rules and procedures to resolve the internal contradictions meant that no avenues existed in the movement for venting the excessive internal pressures the leadership contradictions generated. This condemned the SPLM/SPLA to rely on violence and military action as means of resolving the contradictions.

The SPLM/SPLA lacked political programme

It is virtually impossible to envisage liberation without a minimum political programme for social and economic transformation. To date (December 31, 2014), the SPLM has not produced a political programme, which is an elaborate document that translate the SPLM vision and strategic political objectives in policies and plans of action the SPLM government implements to transform the lives of the people in accordance with liberation agenda.

During the war and SPLM/SPLA’s emphasis on war efforts registered in two negativities. The first one was that it failed to evolve a society in the liberated areas counter to the society under the oppressive regime. The concept of ‘counter society’ encapsulated in the concept of ‘strong rear base’ developed by the Chinese [against the Japanese and the Nationalist] and the Vietnamese [against the Americans] is relevant to the situation in South Sudan. The rear base is the social, economic and political bases of the guerrilla army where the SPLM would implement its political programme and exercise political authority establishes its administration and implements the concepts of justice, social equality, freedom and democracy. In the rear base, the SPLM would build an economy to support its war efforts instead of relying wholly on external resources.

However, instead of developing and applying the concept of rear base in the liberated areas, the SPLM/SPLA encouraged migration of the population to become refugees [Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda] as a means of accessing logistics and food for the army. This generated another negativity. The SPLM/SPLA became dependent on external resources unlike the Anya-nya, which relied on the people in matters of food, health care and other necessities. The SPLM/SPLA forced the population that remained behind in the villages to rely on international humanitarian assistance to generated food for the army. This produced relief dependence syndrome, which still stalks the people to date in some areas.

The second negativity involved the relation between the SPLA combatants and the civil population among whom they operated characterized by brutality, dehumanization and abuse of human rights. Absolute dependence on external resources produced in the combatants an attitude that engendered disrespect for and condescendence upon the civil population.

Inability to transform the SPLM/SPLA into their respective professional spheres

The factors above combined to prevent the separation of the SPLM/SPLA into their respective professional spheres. In fact, the SPLM/SPLA evolved like Siamese twins conjoined in the heads that a surgical operation to separate them into their respective professional spheres would result in their mutual death . The lack of political education and organization; absence of constitutional order implying lack of institutions and structures in the SPLM/SPLA and lack of political programme virtually delegitimized the SPLM, demystified its leadership and disempowered its cadres. Thus, the SPLM/SPLA failed to self-transform into a mass based political party sensu stricto on the one hand and professional army on the other.

The CPA thrust the SPLM unto an unfamiliar domain of government and governance. The tragic and sudden disappearance of Dr. John Garang complicated the SPLM/SPLA political predicament as it embarked on CPA implementation. The new SPLM leadership was inept and could not manage the baggage of contradictions accumulated without resolution over twenty-one years of armed struggle.

One such contradictions is the lack of institutionalization of the SPLM/SPLA political and military power. Since its inception in 1983, power in the SPLM remained personified in the person of the Chairman and SPLA Commander in Chief that all contradictions in the SPLM/SPLA leadership revolved around that issue. It was the drivers of the split with Anya-nya two in 1983 and again within the SPLM/SPLA following the Nasir Declaration 1991. Power was the driver of the Yei crisis 2004 at the eve of the CPA and finally of the events leading to December 15, 2013 and the current civil war.

The wielding and exercise of SPLM political authority without rules and procedures negatively affected the relations within the Movement. It engendered a subculture of political patronage and clients, which eschewed democratic principles and practice. In this connection, the political tact and stature of the leader became the determinant factor in the functioning of the SPLM system. Thus although patronage system obtained Dr. John Garang managed through his personal charisma to keep the system functioning, what Dr. Lual Deng (2012) described as ‘the power of creative thinking.’ That explains how the SPLM/SPLA survived through difficult and challenging political and military situations in spite of its internal contradictions generated by the factors I discussed above.

The contradictions rocked the SPLM/SPLA generating strong ethnic under currents and civil war barely three years after independence because of those factors and the failure to resolve them through political and ideological debate, and internal dialogue. However, it was more the leadership style of comrade Salva Kiir Mayardit that permitted the fashions to reach boiling point and eruption of violence. Comrade Salva Kiir employed his military intelligence skills rather state and the SPLM institutions to manage the government of South Sudan. He built a series of spies and informants networks to inform his decisions. For the first time ethnic and regional lobbies surrounded the SPLM leadership the most notable being the Bahr el Ghazal Elders mainly from Warrap and the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) entailing Dinka also from Upper Nile.

Through his style of leadership, President Salva Kiir Mayardit has brought South Sudan to the edge of disaster. In less than three years, the state in South Sudan made a quantum slide from fragility to failure and now tending to collapse. The society is demoralized and in despair. The economy is in shambles as the only foreign exchange earner is pumping incredibly at a loss that it might as well been better to stop production. The IGAD peace process hung up unconscionably at the sharing of power between President [Salva Kiir] and the proposed Prime Minister [Dr. Riek Machar] while innocent lives continue to perish. The current context of South Sudan is pathetic. No patriots would countenance it on account of speculation for whatsoever advantage.


Having attempted above to locate the political malaise, I want to discuss the intellectual journey proposed by Dr. Lual Deng at the beginning of the discourse. The elements of this journey are the present social and political context in South Sudan, which we attempted above to analyse. The social and political forces capable of participation in the journey, their ideological disposition, the time span of the journey. The journey trajectory situates in the globalized world defined by high level of technological and scientific development.

Before embarking on the journey I realize that South Sudan and its people have yet to place their feet on the first step are the bottom of the world socio-economic and technological development ladder hundred ninety three years since the Ottomans linked the Sudan to the world capitalist system of extraction and exploitation. This is subject of Eddie Thomas eye-catching latest title “South Sudan: A Slow Liberation” [Zed Books in press].

What then have the political, military and business elite that drive the social and political engineering processes of the state in South Sudan being doing? A cursory look into this dominant class reveals an astounding reality that it remains primitive intimately attached to archaic values and traditions of their respective ethnic formations. In 1999, I participated in a study that became the basis of implementation of USAID funded multimillion-dollar Sudan Transition Aid for Rehabilitation [STAR] Programme in ten counties of Central and Western Equatoria and Lakes in Bahr el Ghazal. The Programme provided cash to the civil society groups to engage in business that would generate wealth. After three years, the Programme discovered that the recipients of the STAR loans had invested much of the money in traditional economic activities that frustrated its strategic objective of recycling to other beneficiaries the reimbursed money.

Between 2005 and 2011 when South Sudan became independent, it had received in total about US Dollars sixteen billion from the oil revenue. I want to ask the economists what percentage of this money was invested in productive economic projects [agriculture, industry], in services sector and in education? Our people instead of ordering new cars from manufacturers in Japan, carrying cash dollars went to Uganda to buy dilapidated second sometimes third hand right-hand steering wheeled mini buses that became traffic hazards on our roads. South Sudan because the only country in the world where the US dollar note became a commodity on the formal and informal markets and which worked to service the economies of its neighbours than its own.

The political, military and business elite most of them former SPLA combatants were now involved and entangled in an intertwined blackmail that they closed their eyes and ears to what they were doing bringing down the country. They eschewed the SPLM vision and concepts of social justice, equality, freedom and prosperity as they engaged in cutthroat competition in the context of primitive accumulation of wealth. They jettisoned the comradeship cultivated in the context of the war of national liberation. This is how social and blood relations, rather than institutional and political relationships, imperceptibly crept into their practice. This engendered corruption, nepotism and ethnic favouritism (tribalism). The social, economic and political environment favoured erection of ethnic and regional lobbies as agencies for extracting favours in the form of government contracts, appoints to constitutional post and others.

The experience of the last ten years epitomizes the historical failure of bourgeois petit as agents of social transformation of an underdeveloped country like South Sudan. This brings me back to Cabral that the bourgeois petit represented by many of us must commit class suicide to resurrect in the guise of revolutionary intellectuals armed with a political ideology that places the people at the centre of our development discourse. In this connection, the class suicide blends well with the intellectual journey towards a coherent political ideology for transforming South Sudan. It cannot be another way.

Are we ready to commit class suicide to have solidarity with our people? Many of us outshine ourselves opportunistically endearing ourselves to our ethnic communities when in the heart of our hearts we foster different value systems. Do the elements that make up the Jieng Council of Elders genuinely believe in what they are doing propping up President Salva Kiir Mayardit in all the horrible things he is doing? Do they countenance the collapse of South Sudan as long as Salva Kiir is president? It is necessary to reflect before the suicide lest we may not resurrect after all. For committing class suicide means eschewing archaic ideas, false beliefs and deflating inordinately large self- or collective-ego.

This brings me to another question: in what coherent political ideology do we encapsulate the concepts of social justice, equality, freedom, democracy and prosperity for all? According to Marxist historical materialism, history does not repeat itself. You cannot catch a train that has already left station. South Sudan is in such pains today because the bourgeois petit are generating contradictions trying to recreate the conditions of primitive accumulation humankind passed five hundred years ago. This is not permissible. We should start where the world is while we live.

It is feasible and possible to implement social justice in South Sudan. Why not? The social stratification in terms of economic is bridgeable. The Government of South Sudan, with the resources available, can create conditions for social justice by combating the tendency to ethnic and regional favouritism in ditching out government contracts in order to promote equality in society. Since the bourgeois petit is not economically powerful to undertake large scale industrial installations, the government of South Sudan should undertake the construction of large industrial and infrastructural projects like railways, huge hydroelectric power planta and dams, power transmission grids and highways which need huge investments. The government can undertake these in the context of public private participation. In this way of wealth generation and distribution, it is possible to realise prosperity for all and in short time of ten to twenty years.

Democracy is another component element of social transformation. Democracy is not a raincoat you put on only in summer. A cultural trait stays with you in all that you whether private or public. The society cultivates and internalizes democracy [theory and practice] through participation in social, economic and political engineering processes of state formation and nation building. There is no other way you can parachute democratic principles and practice except in the context of the struggle for social transformation of society. That is why the concepts of democracy and democratic transformation blends with the class suicide the bourgeois petit must undertake. In this case, the concept and practice of democracy registers in active participation in the engineering processes and not establishment of bogus and briefcase political parties.

This brings me to the political format and organisation for participation. In the recent SPLM/SPLA Consultative Conference on the IGAD Peace process in Pagak, I was put to task explaining why it was necessary to reconcile the SPLM leadership and reunite the SPLM. The conference was negative charged against the Intra-SPLM Dialogue in Arusha, Tanzania. I had to mark every word I uttered. I told the conference the story of the conference of reconciliation of Jikany and Lou in Akobo in 1994. The Moderator of the reconciliation conference was a Ugandan Bishop of seventy-seven Churches. He told us a story concerning his two-year old son. I hope I will not be bothering you.

“As I prepared for Sunday service my son kept interrupting my preparation. I would give him arithmetic problem to solve. He would do it correctly. I did it several times while the time for my sermon in the Church was approaching. This prompted me to pull down and tear to pieces the world map that hung on the wall. I asked him to fix it and in two minutes, he came back with the map fixed correctly. I asked his to tell me how he did it.” The boy replied, “on the reverse side of the world map was a man, so what I did was to fix the man”. “Fixing man to resolve the problems of the world became the subject of my sermon that Sunday.”

There is nothing wrong with the SPLM per se; the people who make up the SPLM constitute the crisis in the SPLM. You will find this in what I recounted above that the SPLM leadership lost the vision that attracted the masses of the Sudanese to the SPLM to sacrifice their lives for the ideals of social justice, equality, freedom, democracy and prosperity for all. The Arusha process is an exercise in self-appraisal, criticism and self-criticism the entire SPLM membership, the half-hearted hang-ons who believe in the arrival rather than the journey, must urgently undertake to save the country from collapse.

The young republic of South Sudan and its people are in the present situation because of the SPLM historical failure to evolve a political ideology, to construct a constitution with institutions and structures, to formulate a political programme for social and economic transformation of the oppressive reality that submerged our people. In this context and for over twenty-one years the contest for power at the top consumed the energy of our people. This divided instead of uniting them as soon as the contradiction with the north had been resolved through the referendum.

The SPLM remains the only viable political forces that united South Sudanese across ethnic and regional fault lines. It is therefore the only guarantee against fragmentation of South Sudan. However, it must reconcile and reunite its ranks, reorganize and revitalize itself, build its institutions and institutionalize its relationship along the ideology of social democracy as practiced by the labour Parties in northern European countries.


The intellectual journey towards a coherent political ideology spurs serious reflections and I hope we can discourse this to its logical conclusion. For those of us in the DPF who are not SPLM members or who have an axe to grind with the SPLM I would implore that we discuss these issues sombrely. We should learn to live with our differences whether gender, political ideas, facial marks or body complexion. This is the essence of democracy. They may lead us to unity of ideas

There is nothing outrageously fatal with having one strong political party in South Sudan. If we have to catch up with the rest of humanity by stepping onto its development ladder, we cannot do that while struggling against ourselves in futile and meaningless battles that prevent us from focusing on building our country and improving our people’s quality of life.

We may have to explore the different experiences on the African continent and elsewhere and draw leaf from them. The social and political stability in Tanzania attributes to the maturity demonstrated by Chama Cha Mapenduzi (CCM) initially under the leadership of Mwalimu Julius K Nyerere. The ethnic federalism implemented by Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Party (EPRDP) has somehow created conditions of political stability in Ethiopian.

Let us pursue the dual processes of peace making and Intra-SPLM Dialogue as elements of our intellectual journey towards a coherent political ideology, a stable and peaceful South Sudan.

Thanks you very much for your time.

Nairobi, Kenya
December 30, 2014.

Protest Letter to Pres. Kiir: Extermination of Thuyic community, Lakes State

“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”, Martin L. K. Jr., Dec. 1960

BY: Mark Dut Malwal, Australia, for Thuyic Community of Maleng-agok payam, Lakes State, DEC/30/2014, SSN;

I am writing to your Excellency on behalf of my people – the Thuyic Community to protest the designed-extermination-process of our people (Thuyic Community of Maleng-agok Payam) in Eastern Rumbek County.
This process is dated back to 2001 beginning with elimination of our cattle youths leader Bech Dong Manguen, then late Chief Maker Mabor Riak – that continued unabated till the hour I author this letter for your attention, your H.E.

There is no community in Lakes State or South Sudan for that matter, which has been subjected to these heinous acts, and no attention drawn for their cause, but only Thuyic Community in South Sudan, who still believe that there exists a government in South Sudan, Juba, but not in Lakes state.

Our people have been exposed to the following suffering and unbearable pain:

1. Our youth leaders have been their first targets, to which the mission of their elimination has been succeeded. Bech Dong Manguen and Diengdul Maliec are just two examples of this design, because they come from Thuyic Community.
2. Our people’s chief late Maker Mabor Riak was the first chief to be murdered in cold blood in 2002 because he comes from Thuyic Community of Maleng-agok Payam!
3. Our people’s individual youths (P.S. Turguau Makoi Ayuek) have been ambushed and killed because they come from Thuyic Community of Maleng-agok Payam!
4. Our people as a community have been assaulted, killed, and dislodged from their villages of Agukuel, Maleng-agok, Makuac, Panbarkou, Gorok, Malual etc for more than five times; for days, months, and as I write, it is going a year having been sent off their homes!
5. Our people’s women and girls have been gang-raped since 7th August 2014, and culprits of these offenses have not been apprehended to answer their charges. Is this the South Sudan that my community could be part of?
6. Our people’s livestock have been raided, property of all forms looted, and other assets destroyed, including their housing and no one (among these wrong-doers) has ever been apprehended or even asked to account!
7. Our people’s elderly (Makur Chol Ayup, Mapuor Majur Mathet etc) and children (Akoi Wuol Mabor 14 months old girl-child-killed), all have not been spared during this last attack of 27th December 2014, just because they come from Thuyic Community! Extermination at full swing!
8. Our people’s school-going pupils caught up at homes were not spared (Deng Maker Makuer, Muorwer Mapuor Akuckuer, Maweer Mapuor Akuckuer, Mayor Bol Akuckuer & Kaman Thuch Manyang), are example of bad intent of elimination by Gony section in Aliemtooc west against our people at the watch of the state government.
9. Our Community five schools (of Maleng-agok, Panbarkou, Agukuel, Gorok, Ayen-Paciec) have been closed since 6th August 2014. Our pupils did not sit any exams beginning from class seven to nursery, when our assailants schools were functional and their pupils took their exams, and no one including the state education minister made any efforts to have them opened or even any word of care to signal that we are being part of this community of Lakes state.
10. Our community pregnant woman (Akuac Wuol Deng) was assaulted in her house by the daughter of Governor Maj. Gen. Matur Chut Dhuol (…), no any investigation has been launched to ascertain why did she assaulted her neighbor and killed her innocently? This is because she is the daughter of Governor Matur Chut, who both belief that Thuyic Community member are premier enemies.
11. Our community cattle youth – Mangang Manyang Deng was attacked within Maleng-agok Payam market and killed instantly. None of his attackers has been detained and no one has made query of why no justice for his life.
12. On 27th December 2014, our Thuyic Community members chattered a plane to airlift six victims of this ethnic cleansing to Juba. On hearing this information, Director of Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Mr. Deng Malual Mathiang Ajuong ordered for a shoot down of this plane, fortunately, the Lt. who was ordered defied on the ground that he has not been serve with letter of shoot down to act on, thus the plane reached Juba late evening. One of these victims is currently being denied flight to Nairobi for better care by Governors’ brother in SPLA Juba, alleging that the victim is a culprit. Culprit in what form when he is a casualty of ethnic cleansing in pursuit by Governor and his relatives. Mr. President, send your team to investigate this order, you would be shock of how bad the leadership here is! Oh! Lord God, come to the aid of our people in Maleng-agok Payam and her surrounding villages.
13. On 26th August 2014, our Thuyic Community made every effort to arrest one of their own, who retaliated on late Paramount Chief Aparer Chut Dhuol. He is the only one now, investigated within three months period, and sentenced to death, when those other culprits remain at large!

Is there any justice here in Lakes state?

Your Excellency, we were expecting a little sense of humanity and leadership from Lakes state Governor Major General Matur Chut Dhuol in dealing with insecurities of Lakes, and especially with his own armed clan men including who assault the other side, either to use necessary force to prevent them from in assaulting their perceived enemies of Thuyic in their villages or he gives way to any other person, in tendering in his resignation letter to your high office; even when his daughter has murdered innocent pregnant women. This did not happen.

Earlier on, Matur Chut has been a suspect of igniting this sectional feud since 2001. This is now proven beyond reasonable doubt, yes indeed he is. He has never made any efforts to address to the two groups, till yesterday he went to Panbarkou to talk to victims of his design after they have been devastated in their homes. All along, he could not travel to Panbarkou, because he is accused of being behind the crises.

Your Excellency, are we not part of South Sudan that we all fought hard to the last beat of independence that we are left at the mercy of those who have taken authority as theirs – (supposedly our authority) to use against us?

With this appalling state of our people agony that we would like to hear your apt response or else we will conclude in two days that you don’t care of our people’s lives like other South Sudanese suffering elsewhere.

On 16th August 2014, three youth leaders of our Thuyic Community of Maleng-agok Payam petitioned your government, making necessary recommendations as redemption, but there was no proper action, but rather poorly plan of disarmament during which 107 lives of our dear soldiers were lost in their battle with Pakam pastoralists.

Oh! Lord God, come to the aid of our people back home in Maleng-agok and her villages from the hands of the merciless evil men! And we pray for peace and tranquility in South Sudan!

The 27th December 2014 death toll on our people went to 17 persons dead including a 14 months old girl child – Akoi Wuol Mabor, caught up with her mother in Panbarkou village of Maleng-agok Payam. This child—unoffending, innocent and beautiful was a victim of one of the most vicious, heinous crimes ever perpetrated against humanity. I call on Wuol Mabor, the father of Akoi, that inspite of the darkness of this hour, you must not despair, you should not become bitter, nor must you harbor the desire to retaliate with violence – allow God to retaliate!

May our 14 months old girl-child Akoi Wuol Mabor’s soul rest in eternal peace!

Thank you.

I am writing on behalf of our Thuyic Community of Maleng-agok Payam, who HAVE suffered in their dignified end and for their existence!

Mark Dut Malual lives in Melbourne, Australia, and he is reachable on:

Pres. Kiir initiates a new militia training camp in Jie, E. Equat. State, says Governor


South Sudan Liberty News received a direct report from Torit, by a very reliable source close to the governor of Eastern Equatoria State, Mr. Louis Lobong Lojere, that the governor has grown inpatient and distanced himself from what the SPLA spokesperson, Col Philip Aguer, had earlier stated, that his government discovered three rebel training camps in EES state, one at the border of Acholi and Ma’di in Lobonok Payam, a second inside Nimule and the third in the disputed area of Jie located between EES and Jonglei State.

This new development came one week after the SPLA reported having finished a search in the Nimule Corridor from mountain to mountain, home to home, for rebel activities and came back empty handed.

Meanwhile the informant disclosed that governor Lobong categorically rejected this false Juba accusation to implicate the People of EES, and that Lobong was very angry and said the so-called ‘uncovered rebel training camp in Jie did not belong to any rebel groups but it is rather a camp opened for dubious reasons by the President Salva Kiir himself.’

He further worrisomely stated that this is to train additional Presidential guards also known as Kiir’s private militias. The record of this militia is tarnished with the blood of fellow citizens killed in December 2013 in Juba, thus this is not good news for the people of EE state and its malignant design is directly aimed to put down any uprising in Eastern Equatoria State and in the Greater Equatoria as a whole and the Governor wants nothing of it in his state.

He concluded that whatever begins with bad will ends bad, but the great people of EE will not allow a massacre of the scale of Juba or any for that matter in their territories. “This report given by the government was simply a decoy an Kiir is actively plotting against the people of Equatoria through the use of his tribal Militias, just as he did against the Nuer!”

Therefore, he, Lobong has no knowledge, as the top man in his state, of any paramilitary training camp in EES other than that one in Jie, operating under the direct order of Kiir to produce additional private Presidential guards, our informant narrated to us.

This new development coming from a close source to Gov. Lobong must be treated with grave concern and urgency by the public and political leaders of South Sudan, as many can recall and have fresh memory of the Juba massacres carried by this same private militias trained by Kiir at the expense of tax payers’ money.

We are placing this alarming development in the top news to let our compatriots know that Kiir and his henchmen are gearing for yet another tragedy in our nation.

We are about to witness a second gruesome state-sponsored massacre in the lapse of less than two years, tragically enough there are people still ignoring this unfortunate event and still in the misguided propaganda that Kiir is a legitimate elected President, therefore he cannot relinquish power.

“An election does not give one an absolute power to tramp upon even those who elected you. Lucifer was created holy but when he committed sin against the One who created and put him in the place of beauty and power, he lost his legitimacy; thus was cast out of heaven.”

“So who is Kiir that once elected he can not be touched despite becoming irrelevant and illegitimate by the acts of raising an illegal militia, inventing a coup and massacring the very people who elected him?” added a state offical.

Our informant reports Kiir and his Bahr El Ghazal generals have tried all that is possible to provoke the Equatorians to armed fight so that they, the generals, will use this as a pretext to crash the Equatorians, which they believe is easy for them to accomplish.

These Generals are now very apprehensive because the people of Equatoria on their own have started resistance to Juba.

Our informant also revealed to us that other private militias under Kiir would soon open at the border of Western Equatoria state with Warrap, Lakes and Western Bahr El Ghazal states, strategically to serve the Jieng power over the rest of South Sudan.

Meanwhile the commander of SPLA Division II who is responsible in overseeing the areas of Nimule, Pageri, Opari and Moli, issued a provocative remarks that, “let the Ma’di begin the war, they, the soldiers, will destroy all the concrete buildings in Nimule within a day.”

This uncivilized rhetoric set most Madi businessmen and elders in anger, “this is an unfortunate remark coming from the Division II commander whom the vice President James Wani Igga had just said last weekend that the mandate of Division II is to protect the civilian population with their properties.”

“Were we misled by Wani Igga to sit and wait so that we will witness the whole demolition process of our homes?” said an elderly businessman in Nimule.

The commander of Division II himself is a Dinka, though the particular Division II on paper is under the the overall command of Gen. Obutu Mamur.

It must be pointed out that the locals are filled with fear and anxiety that they have been subjected by their own government to constant intimidation, fear and terror created by the Division II army since their arrival in the Madiland in pretext of going after rebels.

Since when did civilians become a legitimate military targets other than only in the Kiir led government?

“We in EES call upon the UN to pressure South Sudan to respect human rights of all South Sudanese and work towards institutional reforms in order to achieve a just and lasting peace,” concluded the state official.

But this message from the international communities falls on deaf ears in Juba. The question now is, will Lobong continues to be a “Yes Sir, Man,” as he now seems to have seen the light, since the tribes that will be crashed, if Kiir can, are most likely his own Toposas and the Madi?

And will the already toothless Juba parliament sit with folded arms and allow a second massacre to happen when they have the constitutional mandate to impeach and to stop Kiir from bleeding our nation?

The Future of this nation no longer is in the hands of Kiir, if left in his hands the shadows of death shall overrun our nation.

My fellow countrymen and women, the future of this country lies in your hands and mine, not that of Kiir and his henchmen! The more Kiir remains in power the more Souls will be lost and perish.

Justin S Kwaje
SSLN, Juba

Self-determination for Nuer-Land should be the focus for the rebels

BY: BEL DENG, South Sudan, DEC/29/2014, SSN;

As long as the current leadership in Juba exists, with foreign backing intact, the citizenry (NUER) need to know that enduring more devastation in the next coming few months is imminent. The politicians and generals in Juba see that there is a window of opportunity to crash the Nuer rebels by military means and compel them to submission.

The rebels though having a weak leadership and disorganized military operations against the Juba regime won’t yield to Juba regime and hence continuation of war without clear attainable cause.

Nuer as community will continue to carry a load heavier than its weight. Nuer cannot sacrifice heavily as such in the name of change triggered by revenge ambition meanwhile others are watching at the sideline. The Nuer cannot face the rest of tribes in South Sudan with foreign mercenaries backing in the name of democratic change.

This community is not a sacrificial lamb. It must fight for a better cause. Nuer should only focus on how its members must survive among the predators in the region by demanding the self-rule for Nuer-land.

The following points are reasons why Nuer should demand self-determination as the objective for the war:
– foreign interference in the conflict,
– the desire by the Juba group to subdue the rebels,
– acquisition of advance weaponry by Juba group,
– symptoms of weaknesses in the rebels camp,
– the power of money and other myths.

Foreign intervention particularly Uganda has significantly transformed the conflict and increased the duration of fighting for the unforeseeable future. This war would have been short and decisive if it was left in the hands of the two warring parties. The fact that Ugandan Peoples Defence Force (UPDF) threw their weight on Kiir’s side remains an igniting factor among many in the rebels camp.

The use of cluster bombs by these foreign troops against the citizenry by the order of someone once they called their leader will always have a lasting effect among rebels and the Nuer community in particular. This in addition to door to door killing of unarmed Nuer women, children, pastors, elderly and unarmed men which became the cause of eternal distrust between the Nuer and Dinka communities.

Many in Nuer community have no other option but to choose death over humiliation. And the insistence of Juba group to keep foreign troops in the fighting is a slap in the face.

To avoid the cycle of violence between the Nuer and Dinka, separation between the two communities should be the objective. Better be good neighbours than hateful citizens of the same country.

Among the politicians in Kiir regime and generals in the South Sudan Army, there is a strong desire for military solution to this conflict. They are determined to subdue the rebels as well as the Nuer civilians in their villages.

Today, as we speak South Sudan Army is on the move. They are preparing to launch the mother of all battles yet in this civil war against Greater Lou counties of Akobo, Nyirol and Uror. They are assembling in Gadiang, Twi East, Duk and possibly through Pibor and Pochala corridors.

The battle for control over Greater Akobo counties will definitely occur between January and April 2015 depending on dryness of the area that may allow the passage of tanks, personnel carriers and vehicles mounted with artilleries, rocket launchers and logistics supplies.

Imagine a Dinka leadership inserting its control over Nuer people with a long history of harsh rivalry and hatred, what would be the consequences?

Nuer should only give lives in that battle in the name of Nuer-land self-rule from the rest of South Sudan otherwise it would be a waste of precious lives without a cause. Riek Machar and his group should not continue to fight for meaningless reasons such as revenging the massacre of Juba 2013 and democratic change within the same country.

Many South Sudanese have hidden their tails between their legs, while others suffering under the same regime are singing side by side with the evils in killing the Nuer. Nuer cannot afford to carry this huge load.

There is going to be no peace so long as Juba regime has acquired the newest advanced technology of weaponry; it’s hope is to use them fully to subdue the rebels to submission. Today, they have amphibian tanks which they have used against the rebels in Fangak, they have several BM/system rocket launchers, ZUK (6 barrels) and many others.

However, the regime and their allies need to be reminded that war is not won by technology but the will of those using the technology. The willingness to die for what a person believes in delivering South Sudan out from the bondage of Khartoum.

Based on what I know, willingness to stand up against the odds determines the end point as young Nuer are currently showing, but the community needs to have a political and survivability strategies otherwise Nuer will be wiped out on the face of the earth.

Nuer must lobby for either joining Khartoum or Addis Ababa so that we have a full backing of anyone of the two countries we may think would offer us better protection. I believe survivability of Nuer as a community is in question.

Nuer is no longer facing only Dinka and her South Sudanese allies but East African troops and Sudanese rebels. This is a big load for Nuer to withstand without political strategy. Political partnership with a foreign country would safeguard the survival of the remaining Nuer instead of relying only on Nuer power as the solution.

Nuer can live without Dinka or Shilluk, so there is no reason to stick on maintaining South Sudan as one country. Split it up into tribal kingdoms so that this cycle of violence is curbed.

Also, Juba leadership is successfully employing its economic power in subduing it enemies to submission. People who once rebelled against the regime are now returning to Juba because of money.

In addition, the regime has a comfortable diplomatic superiority over the rebels in East Africa and around the world whilst there is a weak leadership displayed by rebels. Riek Machar leadership style remains the biggest issue that will cause the extinction of Nuer.

He has a huge ambition for leadership but he does not know how he can achieve it. I advise Riek to rectify his political objective for Nuer-land and lobby either Khartoum or Addis Ababa for political and military protection for the Nuer-land and its people.

Failure for Riek and his group to commit to this cause will mean the doomsday for Nuer people will be unavoidable. Nuer must not be misled by voices that do not have soldiers on the ground. Lip service is not worth it.

Meanwhile, militarily, the regime is continuously gaining ground from the rebels. The capture of Phom, Ayod, Nasir and Mathiang by Dinka regime demonstrates the weaknesses of Riek Machar’s fighting strategy. As a resistance movement the first that should have been in place was the military command for the direction of military operations across the country.

Riek is also failing to transport the war to Bharel Ghazal and Equatoria regions. Concentrating the war in Nuer-land is stupidity and lack of knowledge about war strategies.

Riek and his team are demanding blindly when they have no military achievements to back them up. Kiir and his co. will not give a damn about powerless demands. Failure by Riek and his co. to poise a formidable threat encourages the regime in Juba to pursue military solutions to the conflict..

The economic power, military, and diplomatic success for the regime means peace won’t come to South Sudan unless rebels do something extraordinary or else surrender. Nuer should know that surrendering to Dinka leadership in Juba would mean total destruction of Nuer people once and for all.

Separation tendency where Nuer should opt for outside powers for political and military sanctuary would be better choice rather than accept the Dinka hegemony with devastating consequences.

The surrendering of some Nuer to Juba regime is a lack of far-sightedness among those elements and would surely enforce the myth in Dinka community that Nuer are food lovers and that they do not resist tough situations. This is painful smear for those of us that have endured suffering as children at the age of 12-13 years in the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) in 1980s.

My fellow Nuer, this war is not about individuals such as Riek Machar but the whole Nuer society is in trouble. Personally, I would have lived and continue working in Juba/Bhar el Ghazale then but the situation was not conducive for me just because of my being who I am.

I wonder how some Nuer who support the regime handle this! I have witnessed how hard it was in early days of the conflict in 2013-2014 and in 1991 where I remained a dedicated member of SPLM/SPLA mainstream but nearly faced death for being a Nuer.

Finally, I believe true reconciliation and forgiveness between the Nuer and South Sudanese communities particularly Dinka and to some extent Shilluk and Maban will only prevail when Nuer-land goes its way from South Sudan.

I do not see a fruitful future for Nuer so long as Dinka with foreign backing and remaining dominant in South Sudan’s affairs.

Demand for self-determination for Nuer-land with serious lobbying for political and military protection from either Khartoum or Addis Ababa would ensure the survivability of Nuer in the midst of predators.

Bel is a concern citizen and can be reached at

Peace with no hope to end War & healthy solution for South Sudanese is a nightmare

By: Thon Palek Akol, South Sudan, DEC/27/2014, SSN;

About a year ago, the youngest world new Nation was in the flames of fire and still going. Now all lenses are reflected toward Addis Ababa where opposition led by Riak Machar and government of South Sudanese are trying to iron out their differences after substantial loss of innocent lives. However, what is going on behind closed door in Addis Ababa is not exactly what ordinary South Sudanese people want to hear.

With respect to IGAD body, one cannot deny their firm willingness by standing tall during Comprehensive Peace Agreement about ten years ago. One was hoping to see the same kind of trend because they have what it takes due to their copious experiences for solving East African problems.

According to my understanding, IGAD is mandated to solve our regional problems by being “beneficent and non-maleficent” that means to act in the best interest of South Sudanese people and do no harm. South Sudanese people need peace and peace for all, and that is a crystal clear message to the World bodies and IGAD.

Putting pressure on both contending parties is not a stigma; the stigma is when the world organizations and IGAD want to reward a single ethnic with what they want. Which I believe it will create other political uprising and leave the rest of 63 tribes with no options but empty hands.

The stigma is when South Sudanese people are dying day and night for over 365 days without solid possibilities of cease-fire, and the world is watching. That is a “stigma”, and that is what bothers me and pounds my heart in the middle of the night. I believe you should all do the same when you all sit around the negotiating table.

Now what is different between Riak Machar and ISIS if he is holding the whole nation life hostage because his demands are not met, and the nation is going down the drain?

Riak Machar demands do not yield edible fruits instead his demands are a future potential fuel for another outbreak. I heard him talking about democratic change, but I realized he would not make a democratic change by having two armies in one nation.

I love change, but change will not come from Riak Machar because he does not see the coexistence of other tribes in South Sudan on his monolithic vision. Change is imminent when people are ready for a change, and that is the vast majorities of South Sudan people to make a significant decision.

All of his demands are contradicting with what he called his “principles.” That meant there is no sympathy and compassion coming out from him, and for those who are living in harsh conditions in bushes, and refugee camps.

His long lists of demands will prolong peace process and hasten other burdens on our people. People of South Sudan are not looking for positions that Riak is craving. IGAD should do more to reduce the anguish of our population because even if you give Riak all of his demands it will not suffice the lone Wolf of South Sudan.

Riak’s camp and the government of South Sudan will agree on this today and tomorrow Riak’s camp is going to come up with more strains. A good example should be our detainees. They are silenced and burning inside not because they do not have voices. They do and even if you allocated them with 0% they will take it for the sake of the population and the nation to get back on her feet “that is the principles”.

Principles of, not options of armies and being stewardship by standing behind with innocent’s people and that is what we should respect not principles with a handful of innocent blood.

When you look at his proposal, two armies will not solve our internal problems. Our domestic problems will be solved by the most affected people. By giving a chance to people of Greater Upper Nile region to make wise choices for coexistence of the communities for them (Dinka Bor, Dinka Padang, Nuer, and Mabans people) to forgive Riak Machar and Salva Kiir Mayardit.

Direct communication will also be essential to nurture broken hearts with a smooth approach, and that is what people will need to heal wounds.

I will give you an example in the recent war; I lost my maternal cousin from Shilluk with his wife and five kids when the opposition captured Malakal during the second occupation. Leave alone uncalculated death on my paternal side. Now we are coping with this tragedy because the whole family has been sent to their early graves.

Therefore as families from two interracial ethnics, we forgave their killers because not all Nuer are killers and vice versa not all Dinka are killers. Even if we see his killers, we will still forgive them, and I hope other families who lost their loved ones are ready to do the same.

People do not need what will prolong war and add more burden. We want to relieve pain by forgiving one another. Forgiveness is a duty of the nation and communities who have been severely and profoundly damaged. What happened in Juba should not be a license to kill innocent people in Bor, Malakal, Renk, Baliet, Pigi, Akaka, Maluth, Panriang, Maban, Unity State, Panyakang, Tuonga and by opposition as we all witnessed.

I believe all of these communities are not going to demand anything one day, just for the sake of peace to emanate. They are not interested in what Riak is doing. They know the value of a human being cannot be replaced with positions or properties. They just need genuine reconciliation. Dinka and Nuer have a universal mutual friendship since our ancestors placed us along the Nile.

Yes, history can tell us that Dinka and Nuer do regular fights, but not a destruction fight like what we have witnessed in the past year. South Sudan will not bring back those people who vanished, but we are going to get back properties we have lost because South Sudan is naturally rich with natural resources and agriculture schemes.

It’s supposed to be a time for us to pay the world back, not for the world to give us everything we need every day. We have agriculture capacity that can produce anything we need, and the rest of the world as Dr. John Garang mentioned it in his thesis that South Sudan is the “bread basket of the Middle East”. South Sudan is so blessed, but I am so sad because we do not see that blessing.

Compensations of Properties:
Another fishy scent is what oppositions describe as properties compensations. Ultimately it’s another loophole of corruption opposition presented to enrich themselves in the future, with the South Sudan resources and to cement their kingdom. If he is for a democratic change, he should demand by balancing societal efficiency against interests of the ethnic. And then make properties compensations for a national consideration in the near future.

Pope Francis asked the question this way, “Who am I to judge?” So who are we going to pay properties compensations? Paying properties compensation will not alleviate deep pain that already settled thick down on the bottom of hearts.

Instead, it will be an incentive for others to do the same thing because South Sudan bushes are still not yet full of rebels. IGAD should look back and see what happened during Naivasha Comprehensive Peace agreement. Dr. John Garang did not ask about properties compensation from Khartoum, and he was not a blind man.

Dr. John Garang knows society interest is above individual’s interest, and that is why he stood firm for the right of majorities and minorities alike. All of the nuisances going on in Addis Ababa should cease in order to allow the peace process to prevail and to reduce suffering. Peace is the only hope people are looking.

If Riak knows there is something called properties his forces should not turn the main cities and villages into gravel or ashes.


IGAD as the judging body should dismantle rewarding the demanded packages if they want a peaceful solution in a long run and to end the yearlong senseless war. Peace with no hope how to end the war, and healthy solution for South Sudanese people is a “Nightmare”.

All of the Riak camp demands for are an invitation to another disaster or to prolong war that does not benefit anyone but his “principles”. Unless if IGAD wants to see another bleeding again after this one. Let us again build strong love, acceptance, understanding, generosity, kindness, and above all forgiveness for one another. This war should not weaken us, instead it should give us strength to heal the disarray of the hearts.

Thon Palek Akol is a concerned South Sudanese
Contact : e mail:

Affected communities off IGAD negotiating table: Will Peace come to South Sudan?

By: Dr. Thon Giei, SOUTH SUDAN, DEC/23/2014, SSN;

One year after the infamous breakout of violence in Juba on 15 December 2013, the political situation remains stagnant despite the threats by the International and Regional Communities to impose sanctions on the warring parties and the conflict extended into communities once living in peace and harmony for centuries.

It is a grave mistake to describe and characterize the conflict as purely political and to remove the communities’ involvement. Such description of the conflict will never bring a sustained and durable solutions of peace even if the UN declares South Sudan as one of its protectorate!

The conflict is described by its plotters to have originated from a mutiny within the Presidential Guards division (the Tigers) in Gyiada in Juba on ethnic lines and pitting Nuer Soldiers against Dinka ones in support of rebel Riek and President Kiir respectively.

The plotters continued their evil plan and converted the mutiny into an armed rebellion against the state using the ethnic rhetoric and slogans and alleged widely reported ethnic targeted killings in Juba in mobilizing and recruiting the fighting force from ordinary citizens of Nuer tribe, the so-called White Army and Nuer Soldiers from within SPLA and as well as Nuer politicians in the political establishment in South Sudan.

The plotters split into two groups: one group as plotted headed to the formation of armed rebellion called SPLM/A-IO to wage war against the state with the precise objective of taking power by force and overthrowing a democratically elected government which they described as Dinka government and whose constitutional mandate has not yet expired; and the other group struggled to find itself a name and ended up calling itself SPLM former detainees and denounced the violence once it hatched and bred.

Undoubtedly, SPLM-FD betrayed Riek Machar twice: The group dishonored the agreement to work with Machar to remove President Kiir and effect the necessary reforms it promised and did not return the favor for their release which Machar campaigned for tirelessly.

As the outcome of any work or campaign or project is determined by the primary and initial steps and tools used to set it up, The SPLM/A –IO, now has become 100% one tribe army and movement despite the attempts to decorate the rebellion with people from other tribes like Dhieu Mathok, Dau Aturjong, Mabior Nyandeng, and Alfred Lado Gore.

Pro-rebellion writers on social media on the net and and, wrote hate articles and comments and fabricated stories of plots of assassination of prominent Equatoria leaders including the 3 governors of Equatoria and Minister of National Security with the sole purpose of instigating other tribes to take up arms against the government.

The attempts to recruit other tribes into the rebellion ended in abysmal and total failure. After the defeat in Juba in December 2013 and with the ethnic recruiting tools used in mobilizing the fighters, revenge became the overriding principle for both the infamous white Army and the hurriedly formed and loosely commanded SPLM/A-IO fighters.

The White Army campaigns in Greater Upper Nile targeted and killed civilians on ethnic basis (Dinka, Collo, Ethiopians, Ugandans and Sudanese) in Bor, Panriang, Baliet, Malakal, Bentiu, Tonga and Renk towns. The White Army brutally massacred the elderly men and women, children and individual with disabilities (blind, physically or mentally disabled) as well as looting properties and burning down houses and harvest.

These human rights violations eroded the rebels from any support once they enjoyed from world media and countries. Truth shall come out sooner from the international plotters who supported and aided the rebellion and from the rebels once they surrender to peace.

The White Army ferocity as a fighting force captured the headlines of news media and international organizations like The United Nations Mission in South Sudan( UNMISS). As the Nuer Militiamen and women headed to Bor, the UNMISS declared that it sent a helicopter to track the White Army and that it estimated the force at 50000 strong men.

The UN became victim of the relationship between the UNMISS and SPLM/A-IO bosses. A tragedy that had lost Miss. Hilde Johnson, her job in South Sudan.

But how a force like the White Army is formed, trained, organized, armed and mobilized without the knowledge of the security forces in the country? This is a multi-million dollars question that deserves a definitive answer for the sake of those who lost their lives in cold blood.

If the situation was carefully monitored, perhaps thousands of lives that were massacred in Greater Upper Nile could have been saved or the lost minimized. All indicators point to the fact that The White Army Force formation and existence was well known.

The rebels’ devastation campaign continued and defections within the government army on ethnic basis, had incapacitated the security forces to protect themselves and to defend the civilians in the conflict zones. Major cities and counties like Malakal, Bor, Bentiu and Baliet were totally destroyed and leveled with the ground. The Killings extended into the churches and hospitals.

As that scenario continues, the communities in Greater Upper Nile experienced the danger and realized that the rebels’ campaign was not intended to overthrow the government. Indeed if the government was the target, the war would have started and ended in Juba either in defeat or victory like all attempts to take power by force worldwide.

But the White Army mission in Greater Upper Nile was totally different and meant to make territorial gains, chased away the historical inhabitants and established the new reality of Nuer homeland and Nuer Nation as espoused and advanced by the BANAFA, an all Nuer Organization that emerged after 1991 split in the SPLA and with Nasir faction under Riek Machar.

Why would an alleged massacre in Juba -that was not fully investigated and verified- become so convincing to mobilize the Nuer ordinary citizens on- eye blink- to take up arms and act with brutality that had never been known in the history of South Sudan and in Dinka-Nuer wars over land or cattle?

And that members of the White Army had to leave their farms, cattle, families in reaction of what they did not know how, what and between who it happened. If any, the message of the massacre could have spread to the local population, convinced individuals then assemble for action, get the necessary weapons and then move to where they want to act, ideally Juba where the massacre took place.

Why massacre people who have no knowledge of why the fighting occurred? And who was fighting who? This process of mobilizing fighters if done out of scratch, it would have taken time in months, not days and weeks.

I want to conclude that the White Army was existing and kicking and only needed a signal or secret for mobilization and that signal was the massacre in Juba from their commander, Riek Machar to move and act and that was what precisely did happen after failure of the coup.

The victimized communities’ response:
As stated above the brutality of the White Army campaign convinced the communities in Greater Upper Nile beyond any doubt that if they do not defend themselves then they would be wiped out and annihilated and they would be branded as cowards who fled and left their land be vandalized and women and children killed by the rebels.

The communities of Padang in Upper Nile and Unity states took the issue seriously, having seen the devastation that the rebels carried out in Baliet County of Upper Nile and the mass displacement and sufferings that followed with IDPs in Akoka and Malut.

Having realized that the army was incapacitated by internal defections in December 2013 and early 2014, the youth of Padang Dinka, at speed of light, organized themselves into fighting forces under harsh conditions with precise mission to halt the rebels advance into Akoka, Malut and Renk in Upper Nile and Pariang in Unity state.

Similarly, the youth of Collo, stiffly resisted the rebels invasion of Collo Kingdom. The forces of Mozloum of Akoka dealt with and repulsed the rebels’ forces at Lul Bridge, a battle that marked the beginning of liberation of Malakal town for the third time.

Abu-Shook of Ngok Lual Yak recaptured Baliet County in April 2014 from the rebel forces and together with Matching Aynor dealt a deadly blow and struck deep into the heart of the enemy stronghold of Nasir. Within a week, Abu-Shook and Matchiang Anyior and the mechanized division under General Kong, captured Dumey, Aulang and Nasir towns, a move that puzzled Juba politicians and met with disbelief among the fifth columnists and rebel supporters in Juba.

Col. Philip confirmed the news of the capture of Nasir town and that Riek forces fled in disarray in the direction of Ethiopia. This was backed by General Malaak Ayen’s video footage on SSTV that showed Abu-shouk, Mathiang Aynor and SPLA in Nasir.

The SPLA capture of Nasir marked the beginning of defeats to the rebels who, from that time, failed to capture any town, dispite the attacks on Renk and Bentiu. Mozluom of Abilang and Maluth stiffly resisted the rebel forces from capturing the oil fields.

Peace negotiations in Addis Ababa under the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGAD) to bring peaceful resolutions to the South Sudanese conflict, have been ongoing without progress. IGAD correctly invited the parties (the Government, the rebels and SPLM-FD) and stakeholders (civil society organizations, religious leaders, women and youth).

The IGAD invitees are part of the Juba based activists and advocates who played roles in the genesis of the current conflict and then divided themselves into opposition and government camps.

They are all responsible for charges of corruption, incompetency, failure to rule and failure to provide basic services in education, health and others, both in government and SPLM.

However, a significant component of the conflict, namely the conflict affected communities, have been left out of the peace negotiation process in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Is this an accidental drop? Or intentional bypass of the war affected communities by both the government of South Sudan and IGAD?

The communities in Greater Upper Nile have suffered enormously. They have lost lives of their members, properties destroyed or looted and finally the populations were displaced from their original settlements and have to cope with life in the new settlements with lack of food, lack of shelter, lack of health services and lack of education facilities.

These communities had to take up arms in self-defense and protection of non-looted properties. As such IGAD made a fundamental error by leaving out the war affected communities from the peace negotiations.

Without involvement of the war affected communities, peace will hardly come to South Sudan.

Any peace deal between the government and rebels should not be dwelling much on what positions the oppositions need to occupy in the government but also needs to cover the war ravaged communities on intercommunity peace settlements and reconciliations with the compensations and recovery of the looted and damaged properties.

The government needs to give consideration to representation of the communities in the negotiations.

It should be emphasized that the conflict has eroded the social cohesions in Greater Upper Nile and that the conflict is growingly perceived as based on ethnic lines, an undeniable and bitter reality that South Sudanese need to live with its scar.

This is shown by the fact that most communities trust to stay in UNMISS protected sites. But how long will UNMISS remain in South Sudan?

This article is written in memory of thousands of lives who have been lost in cold blood in Baliet County in December 2013 and January 2014 without knowing why they got killed and maimed as well as the victims of the conflict in Majak of Renk County, Malakal, Pariang, Bentiu, Pigi and Bor. Their tragedy was not reported widely as that of Juba on 15 December 2013.

May God rest their souls in Eternal peace and bring harmony and comfort to their grieving families who have lost a father, mother, child or relative or friend.

Dr. Thon Giei is former coordinator of Baliet County Crisis Management Committee and can be reached at or 0912300266

The memory of the painful ordeals: How Kiir cooked up the Nuer massacre

By: Daniel Wuor Joak, SPLM-IO Representative, Scandinavian Countries, DEC/23/2014, SSN;

One year has already elapsed now since the most deadly and infamous “Juba Massacre” occurred, where over 20,000 unarmed Nuer civilians were indiscriminately massacred by the so-called Presidential Protection Unit known as “Dukubeny”. Dukubeny militia was a band of 15,000 Dinka youth drawn up selectively from the predominantly Dinka states of Northern Bahr El Gazal and Warrap with specific aim to be trained, indoctrinated, equipped and directed against any potential challenger to President Salva Kiir’s dictatorial leadership.

They were collectively brought and trained at outskirts of the capital Juba at Luri, where Dukubeny militias had enjoyed special privileges from the regular SPLA soldiers.

During the middle of November 2013, where I happened to be in Aweil, Northern Bahr El Gazal State along with some colleagues from Greater Upper Nile States inspecting school conditions at various Bomas, Payams and Counties in each of the four States of Greater Bahr El Gazal of Western Bahr El Gazal, Lakes, Northern Bahr El Gazal and Warrap. By then I was the state minister of education, science and technology in Upper Nile State. We were supposed to be three ministers from Greater Upper Nile to tour the four states of Greater Bahr El Gazal respectively.

Unfortunately, one of our colleagues Hon. Gai Joak from Unity State did not make it due to some ailments where he was referred to Nairobi, Kenya for further medical treatments. So we remained two only; Hon. Stephen Par Kuol and myself along with our team leader Hon. Bol Makueng, Deputy National Minister of Education, Science & Technology. He accompanied us together with several senior staff members from the national ministry of education in Juba who represented various directorates.

One of them was Mr.Tut Matthew Banypiny Chol who was then the Executive Director in the office of the national minister of education Dr. John Gai Yoh who also perished during Juba massacre of 16th – 19th December 2013. Mr. Tut Banypiny – a masters degree holder and US citizen who took the courage like those South Sudanese who lived in diaspora during the previous SPLM/A and government of Sudan war, and returned to the nascent country after the signing of the CPA to participate jointly for the building of the country.

May God rest his soul in peace and all those thousands of unarmed Nuer civilians brutally massacred in Juba and other towns like Bor, Bentiu, Leer, Malakal, Renk, Mayom, Nasir etc. by the heartless government soldiers of President Salva Kiir. It is a very painful and sad memories for all those who have lost their loved ones during such massacres and the remnants who survived the onslaughts are still being hunted by the same brutal regime in Juba on daily basis.

Over 100,000 IDPs mainly from Nuer civilians are still languishing in various UNMISS compounds in Juba Malakal, Bentiu, Bor, Wau etc. under most deplorable conditions where most of them got depressed, facing imminent death from different curable ailments, lack of adequate shelters and hygienic conditions, malnutrition due to lack of food and other basic human necessities.

The same government in Juba is denying them their basic human rights to be relocated to safer areas by UN and aid agencies in order to use them as human shields to pressurize the SPLM/A Resistant Movement to accept an urgent and a cheap deals.

While still in Aweil, the then state governor Lt. General Paul Malong Awan now chief of staff of SPLA, had invited us for a dinner in his official quarters, in which he lectured to us about his important mission to Juba, where he was urgently called by the president to undertake some special assignments.

No wonder, the governor was boasting about his new assigned task that he refused to fully disclose to us except that he denounced publicly both the president and his former vice president Dr. Riek Machar that they would very soon be challenged in the SPLM leadership by young energetic leaders like himself to assume the overall leadership role of the country.

General Malong jokingly emphasized to us that power struggles within the SPLM leadership would emerge very soon where eliminations of key figures would be carried out for sure if the situation remained the way it is.

After we had our dinner, General Malong offered us a gift where he ordered one of his bodyguards to carry two bottles of whiskeys – Black Label of (4.5) litres and Red Label (1) litre to our car where our late brother Tut Banypiny was assigned to take care of, which he did without hesitations. Tut Banypiny was a kind young man with full energy and committed to his work tirelessly.

No wonder the well prepared dinner in General Malong’s house was infact meant for celebrations of anticipated and planned Nuer massacres in Juba and other towns which none of us innocently unware of including the victim late Tut Banypiny. General Malong hastily left us in his state’s official guest house for Juba in the following morning to conspire with president Salva Kiir on how to get rid of Dr. Riek Machar and his Nuer henchmen resided there.

After two days we departed again for Warrap where we met hostile reception from the State Governor Madam Nyandeng Malek who adamantly refused us entry to her state right from Warrap airstrip for unknown reasons.

So our UNMISS helicopter had to be re-routed to Wau, capital of Western bahr El Gazal State where we were warmly received by the state governor H. E Razik Zakeria Hassan at his office during the afternoon hours after our arrival there. After we spent a week in Wau and visited all the counties, we took a plane again to Juba after we were denied entry by the Lakes State Governor General Matur Chuot Dhol for almost unknown reasons projected by governor of Warrap State. Though our team leader Hon. Bol Makueng was from the same state like the governor, Bol told us to proceed to Juba and rearrange our visit to the state again.

After arrival in Juba the arrangement this time was done through the office of deputy government Paul Mabor who warmly welcome us thereafter from Rumbek airstrip and organized for our accommodations and inspections to various counties in Lakes State. The governor seemed uncooperative and hostile to his deputy for our visit. One evening a thanksgiving dinner was organized in the house of the governor on behalf of the newly nominated state assembly speaker, in which we were also invited.

During his speech which was conducted in Dinka he stated clearly that some MPs from his state supported Dr. Riek Machar’s move to depose President Salva Kiir from power which he objected vigorously.

General Matur warned the suspected MPs not to support a killer of Dinka in reference to Dr. Machar. He reminded the MPs of 1991 splits within the SPLM/A, where Riek had killed the Dinka. I told my colleague Hon. Stephen Par that war is imminent and let us prepare for the worst. The impressions we had seen in all the three Dinka dominated states of Lakes, Northern Bahr Gazal and Warrap was terribly discouraging and likely to cause war and further suffering to the people of South Sudan as it has now happened.

When I returned to Malakal I found myself in loggerhead with the state governor Simon Kun Puoch who also accused me of supporting Dr. Riek Machar against President Salva Kiir’s leadership where he unceremoniously removed me from his cabinet.

On the 9th December 2013, Dr. Riek Machar and his family came to Malakal en route to Odier, Langichuk County to attend the funeral of his mother in law in which I went to the Malakal Airport to convey my condolence to him and his family. Before their arrival to Malakal, one senior security personnel close to the governor made a phone call to me in the evening hours and warned me not to meet Dr. Riek Machar tomorrow at the airport. The same message was also conveyed to all senior government officials and ministers not to receive Dr. Riek at all.

Individually, I decided to go to the airport with my two bodyguards and my former office manager to meet the former vice president as I saw there was no reason why I should not convey my condolence to him and his dear wife Nyaluak Nyuon. At the airport, the turn out was almost zero. None of the senior state government officials including his in-laws did not turn up. We only met some security officials who were sent specifically to the airport by governor Simon to inspect who defied his orders and his brother in-law, Gatnyuon who accompanied them to Odier.

The security personnel found that I was the only one at the airport and that proved his accusations which he had already labelled against me earlier. On my returned back to the house, I was instructed to move out from the government house which I was entitled since than to evacuate in less than two weeks from my dismissal and hand over the car to the security officials who came to my house which I did.

The governor’s decision was contrary to the normal way of handling post constitutional holders where they are supposed to retains their cars and houses for three months before post service benefits is paid to them. All my entitlements including salary of November were denied to me. Because I did not possess a house in Malakal, I decided to spent some few days at South Sudan Hotel before traveling to my residence in Juba.

The same scenario had also happened in June 2013, where the governor of Upper Nile Simon Kun Puoch launched an official visit to Juba to meet the President. In his mission to Juba to pay his condolence for the death of Salva Kiir’s mother in-law who passed away during that month, the governor selected some ministers and one adviser to accompany him to Juba. I happened to be one of those accompanied the governor. The entire delegation comprised of one adviser and four ministers.

In our meeting with the president at his official resident, it took us over 3 hours where we discussed variety of issues. Some of the ministers and the governor told the president point blank to dismiss Dr. Riek Machar from the vice president’s position because he seemed to be running a parallel faction within the SPLM led government setup. In total, four of us including the governor, two ministers and the adviser were all from Nuer.

The governor and one of his close ally and a long serving minister under him were agitating the president to dismiss the vice president from his position by citing that he had lost popular supports among the Nuer in general. Therefore, his dismissal would not affect the progress of his government. The adviser had some reservations and tried to use reconciliatory tune in order for president to continue working with his vice president harmoniously.

When it came to my turn, I spoke at length where I narrated to the president the previous splits within the South Sudanese movements right from 1983 between SPLM/A and Anya-Nya II Movement which resulted to the lost of thousands of South Sudanese people and destructions of property particularly in Gajaak Nuer areas from 1984 – 1987.

I also reminded him of 1991, SPLM/A internal splits, in which it took the movement 11 years to reunite its ranks and massive lost of both humans and property. I again reminded him about the time he attempted to challenge Dr. John Garang in Yei and Rumbek in November 2004, where Dr. Riek managed to reconcile them successfully.

I told him that Simon Kun and I, were in attendance of that conference in Rumbek in which the issues that were about to separate you with Dr. John Garang were obvious the same differences that made Dr. Riek Machar and Dr. Lam Akol disagreed with Dr. John and you. I strongly appealed to him to consider continuous working with Dr. Riek Machar for the sake of peace and harmony among our diverse communities.

Being a good listener, President Salva Kiir took enough time to listen to all our views without any interceptions.
In his response to our opinions, he told us that he was of the opinion to retain Dr. Riek Machar but he felt that Dr. Riek was threatening him with Nuer which he felt very disturbed about it. He asked a question to us that; if I dismiss Riek from the vice president position, what would Nuer do to me or to the South Sudan government for that matter?

He repeated that question more than one time. Eventually, he promised that he was going to see to it if he would retain him or not in the next government reshuffle. Indeed, on 23rd July 2013, one month later, President Salva Kiir apparently dismissed the entire cabinets including the vice president Dr. Riek Machar and replaced him with James Wani Igga.

The removal of Dr. Riek Machar and the entire cabinet happened while I was on official duty in Juba in which I paid a visit to Dr. Riek in the morning of the following day at his official residence at Hai Amarat. From there I found some Nuer MPs and elders who came to consult the former vice president.

Some of us were not pleased at all with president’s decision to unceremoniously remove the vice president who was also his running mate during the general elections of April 2010. According to Dr. Riek, he advised all of us not to be emotional because he always believed that the position of vice president is a public domain in which his removal has no any grudges with the president.

He went as far as congratulating Cde Wani Igga for assuming the position of the vice president. He also repeated the same statement at Sunday church service to over two thousands Nuer congregation at Presbyterian Church of South Sudan at Nyakuron West. Indeed, president Salva Kiir question of what could Nuer do if he removed Dr. Riek Machar was correct.

Basically, the Nuer did not do anything for over four months until the president provoked the situation by ordering his militias “Dutkubeny” to massacre thousands of unarmed Nuer civilians in Juba. I believe now that if the president knew that things were going to turn ugly the way they are, he would have not asked that question from the first place or acted in such irrational way where the ongoing war is being waged by his supporters jointly with UPDF and Sudanese oppositions allies of JEM, SPLA-N and SLA against the SPLM/A Resistant Movement.

I had also posed the same question later that why Governor Simon Kun wanted us to accompany him to express his condolence for the death of president Salva Kiir’s mother in-law and not to allow anyone to pay the same respect to Dr. Riek Machar for the death of his mother in-law, while death is the same?

The so-called coup attempt which was highlighted all over the world by the President Kiir and his associates in Juba following the aftermath of fighting at Tiger Headquarters and subsequent massacres of unarmed Nuer civilians in Nuer and other towns in the South was just a ploy or cover up from the actual motives.

There was no coup attempt in the first place to warrant the arrest of SPLM leaders nor massacring of over 20,000 unarmed Nuer civilians as it had happened and defended by the government in Juba in the name of coup de’tat. To my understanding, IGAD and its Troika allies are just beating the bushes without getting closer to the reality.

Without addressing the root causes of this conflict earnestly , an amicable solution would hardly be realized in foreseeable future. President Salva Kiir and his current Chief of General Staff General Paul Malong Awan are the main culprits in this conflict. The IGAD formula of resolving the current conflict under Salva Kiir leadership is truly an insult to all those who died in vain in both sides of this civil war in South Sudan.

President Salva Kiir must by all means possible relinquish power in order for the people of South Sudan communities to regain their lost trust and confident. Anything short than this it will not be possible to attain peace in the country. IGAD has already failed with their current mediating efforts if they continued using the same outdated mechanism of maintaining Salva Kiir as president of South Sudan where at the same time trying to copy what had occurred in Zimbabwe, Kenya and Somalia where dictators were imposed against the wills of their people.

One thing the IGAD do not understand for sure, South Sudan geo-political situation and tribal complexities are completely different from these countries they wanted to compare with South Sudan. It took Anya-Nya II over 5 years to reconcile their differences with SPLA and 11 good years for Dr. Riek Machar to reconcile his differences with John Garang. All the past reconciliation efforts done in favour of SPLM/A under John Garang was because of South Sudan liberation.

Now anybody who wishes to imitate what Khartoum was doing is deadly wrong and will be resisted up to the end. The so-called Dinka elders should speak among themselves seriously and advise their son Salva Kiir to step aside in order for people of South Sudan to unite themselves.

Otherwise it will be hard for any living Nuer or even their ghost ones to accept any deal under Salva Kiir leadership. Put this in mind and take it seriously instead of preaching “Gospel of Nonsense” with your recent statements being circulated in social media in the name of Jieng Community Elders.

The views expressed in this article are solely that of author and has nothing to do with his political affiliation or position in the movement as SPLM Representative in Scandinavian Countries. He can be reached through this email:

Economic disaster for South Sudan, its oil now sells for only $20-25 a barrel!!!!

Various media sources, DEC/22/2014, SSN;

A looming economic disaster is predicted for the failing nation of South Sudan now enduring its second year of a national civil war and its oil is selling at what traders call the lowest oil prices IN THE WORLD, AT ONLY $20 TO $25 A BARREL.

The reasons are attributable obviously to the rapidly falling oil prices worldwide but also more importantly due to poorly conceived and what can best be called as short-sighted polices of the current president Salva Kiir’s government such as the unfavourable pipeline contracts with the Khartoum government and other oil contracts with foreign countries and companies or individuals.

South Sudan is surely to become one of the biggest casualties of the oil crunch. OPEC members specially led by Saudi Arabia as its biggest oil exporter, have decided to keep pumping oil at their current production levels as a way to counteract the United States shale oil boom, driving down oil prices.

Reportedly, oil companies in some new shale regions in the US and the tar sands in Canada are also realising prices significantly below international benchmarks because of a lack of pipeline or rail capacity to transport their production. But traders said none were making as little as South Sudan.

Against the Brent, the North Sea benchmark selling at around $61, the extremely low realised price is partly due to the low quality of South Sudanese crude.

But most importantly, the South Sudanese oil is sold cheaply due to an ill-advised, ill-fated and hurriedly made decision that was agreed upon by Kiir’s government to introduce a fixed payment for the use of a pipeline that runs north through neighbouring Sudan, rather than a sliding scale linked to global prices, as the industry favoured.

“The lack of a sliding scale is a big mistake,” says a South Sudan-based oil executive. “They are making a very small amount of money.”

In 2012, the governments in Juba, in the south, and Khartoum, in the north, signed a deal for the use of the pipeline running from southern oilfields to Port Sudan on the Red Sea after months of negotiation to secure South Sudan’s independence.

Against the advice of the industry and despite the memory of an oil price crash in 2008-09, during the global financial crisis, Juba government of president Salva Kiir agreed a fixed payment.

In effect, the government banked on oil staying at $100 or more a barrel and pledged to pay $11 per barrel for the use of the pipeline plus another $15 a barrel as compensation to Sudan for the loss of oil income after independence.

The package was seen as an expensive political necessity to secure independence from the Khartoum regime after decades of war. But international officials say the decision to back a fixed fee, rather a sliding one linked to prevailing international price, “is now unravelling”.

The International Monetary Fund estimates that oil accounts for 95 per cent of the South Sudanese government revenue and forecast that the African country’s fiscal deficit will balloon to 12 per cent of its gross domestic product next year.

“Developments in the oil sector in South Sudan constitute a quadruple whammy . . . the government of South Sudan is facing the severest of fiscal contractions,” said an international official who asked not to be named.

South Sudanese revenues have now fallen to about $100m a month, equal to an oil price of about $20.5 per barrel based on output of 160,000 barrels a day.

“They are squeezed,” says the same international official.

Oil executives believe South Sudan could become an example of how falling oil prices can exacerbate political risk as countries are forced to slash budgets.

The US Department of Energy said: “Geopolitical risk may also be elevated because of lower government spending”.

Oil production in the world’s youngest country has more than halved since civil war broke out last December. Oil executives and diplomats say a return to full production is unlikely without a peace deal between the warring factions.

Unfortunately, at the never-concluding so-called peace talks between the Kiir government and Machar’s rebels, the government has been accused of borrowing heavily to execute the current civil war and against the future well-being of future generations of South Sudanese.

This accusations came from the rebels after the government refused to to disclose its national debt or how much it owes to investors and foreign countries. Billions of dollars have allegedly been borrowed by the Kiir government and with the prevailing rampant corruption in the country, most of these monies have allegedly ended in the private accounts of those in government and the military generals. END

Imaginary Juba’s Nuer massacre & media propaganda reporting

By: John Bith Aliap, Australia, DEC/20/2014, SSN;

“A liar begins with making falsehood appear like truth, and ends with making truth itself appear like falsehood,” opined William Shenstone.

The Rep. of South Sudan – the youngest nation on earth has been hit with unspeakable crises, championed by Riek Machar, the sacked vice president after he plotted to overthrow the legitimate government of South Sudan.

And despite the gravity of his crime, Machar is now bouncing his way yet again under the cover of the West as he did in 1991 when he authorised the killing of more than 35, 000 innocent Dinka Bor civilians after he attempted to oust Dr. John Garang, the ex-leader of the SPLM/A from the power,

Right from the beginning of the current crisis in South Sudan, the Western media outlets have been flooded with unfounded stories about Nuer massacre in Juba – where at least 20, 000 – 50, 000 ethnic Nuer are alleged to have been ethnically targeted by Kiir’s government.

“We estimate as many as 20,000 – 50,000 people died in Juba during the first week alone”, said one Western aid worker, who asked that his name nor that of his organisation be published due to the sensitivity of the issue. See this report at

Tribalists in South Sudan have been using Juba Dec. 2013 incident as an opportunity to advance their selfish tribal interests. For example, in an article entitled “the pains of 15th December 2013, ElHag Paul, an advocate of South Sudan’s Somalization “urges South Sudanese to erect a memorial for the victims of ethnic cleansing in Gudele in Juba. This, he suggests, would remind us of the scourge of SPLM and the ideologies of ‘born to rule’ and Jieng supremacy.

Paul claims in this article that a memorial will serve as a national mourning site, educational centre for the young and act as a symbol of resistance to injustice, tribal ideologies and crimes against humanity.”

Not only him, Nyamilepedia, which serves as Machar’s propaganda machine is also awash with “Juba Nuer massacre,” claims: Commemoration of Nuer Genocide 16th – 19th December 2013, Juba massacre and the second liberation of our country, A just cry of a groaning remnant, Massacred Nuer in December 15-118 2013 in Juba, South Sudan their Statistics and how to mourn them, South Sudan Nuer Students and entire communities in Addis Ababa agree to commemorate the December 15 Juba massacre on time, South Sudan massacre turned One; the world Still watches the Scene ….. and the list is long.

You can verify these reports if you want at

Nuer massacre, Nuer massacre, Nuer massacre, you guys are so crazy with tribalism. Why don’t you talk about other South Sudanese who have also lost their lives in this war? While briefing South sudanese’ elders about the recent power sharing agreement in Addis Ababa, Kiir dropped a bomb shell revelation to South Sudanese’ elders who were waiting to hear the good news about the peace in the country that he visited a military hospital in Juba earlier and told by management that more than 1,888 government wounded soldiers are being treated at the facility in the capital alone, S. Sudan president briefs elders on resolutions, reiterates commitment to peace,

Another recent report suggests that the number of Kiir’s government soldiers killed or wounded in the current conflict is more than 20,000, according to a high-level military source. In the period from January to October over 2014 10,659 soldiers belonging to the SPLA-Juba forces were killed in battle and more than 9,921 soldiers were seriously wounded, visit for more information on this matter.

Those who are now crying loud for Nuer unfounded massacre in Juba are all murderers who should be held accountable with their mentor Riek Machar. As someone who enjoys people’s slaughtering, Machar’s tribal militia popularly known as ‘White Army’ has butchered tens of thousands of innocent South Sudanese with impunity across the country.

This dates back to 1991 era when he fell out with his ex-boss Dr. John Garang, the founding father of the SPLM/A. And without any apparent fear of the consequences, Machar’s undisciplined mob of civilian soldiers have on numerous occasions shot and gang raped patients in their hospital beds, massacred civilians in churches, machine-gunned fleeing civilians in swamps – leaving their bodies to rot, be carried away by the Nile river or be consumed by its crocodiles.

For example, when his rebels seized the town of Bentiu – they unleashed two days of ethnic slaughter as they hunted down civilians sheltering in mosques, churches and a hospital, butchering dozens on the roadside, according to the United Nations. Be aware that this report contains unpleasant graphic images:

As it’s what Machar is accustomed to, him and his men have turned the Rep. of South Sudan into an abattoir – slaughtering thousands of innocent civilians without fear – “Bor killings amount to “war “crimes”, says AU chief, Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, chairperson of the African Union Commission –

Intoxicated with greed of power and tribalism, Machar doesn’t need other South Sudanese particularly Dinka to live in Nuer’s soil. During the eve of the current conflict, Machar ordered an estimated 2,000 Nuer gunmen to surround the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) Protection Base in Akobo and “opened fire on unarmed Dinka civilians who had sought refuge inside the compound earlier.”

Nowadays in South Sudan, Machar’s crimes are seen in every corner. In Atar area of Pigi County in Jonglei state – Machar’s rebels entered into a densely populated Dinka village and killed more than 50 unarmed innocent civilians –

Also in Jonglei state, Duk County, Machar’s rebels launched a sustained and unprovoked assault on unarmed civilians killing 36 and injuring 31 others while they were sleeping in their huts.

“We are getting reports that these rebels killed the civilians. A report coming in put the figure at nearly 40 – Killing civilians is their (rebels) habit. Their aim is to loot, kill and destroy property. We are calling on the international community to condemn this action,” said South Sudan’s military Spokesman Philip Aguer,

In Malakal, the state’s capital of Upper Nile state, the State Minister of Information, Philip Jiben Ogal, reported that forces loyal to Riek Machar have killed civilians in hospitals and churches – civilians who had sought refuge in churches have all been butchered by Machar’s rebels,
Don’t give up yet of Machar’s crimes.

In Renk, a Dinka inhabited town bordering Sudan, Machar’s rebels stormed Dinka villages and killed over 25 unarmed civilians including women and children.

Lual Deng Chol, Commissioner of Renk County said that Riek Machar’s rebels raided the villages of Majak, Daba, and Chambor over the weekend in what looks like a targeted attack against the Dinka ethnic community. Read the original article on –

The official narrative of the current war in South Sudan has three key elements that have been almost canonized and are repeated robotically by western English-speaking news consumers from all walks of life – economic classes and political leanings.

The Western media has been issuing blank cheques to the world that tens of thousands of ethnic Nuer were killed in Juba on Dec 15 2013. This was done by a Dinka trained army known as “Mathiang Anyor”. The current war is a meaningless tribal savagery initiated by Dinka war engineers.

The truth of the matter, “Machar’s Juba attempted coup” has not been mentioned much on the Western media. As the war rages on in South Sudan – the western media including: the Guardian, My Time, the Telegraph, ABC, the Washington Post, Boston Globe, CNN, New York Time, Wall Street Journal, the Observer, just to name a few launched a full scale and sustained assault on Kiir’s government – ‘dubbing the conflict as the tribal war’ – while Riek Machar and his mates continue to beat the Nuer as victims drum roll.

To bring into light the Western conspiracy against Kiir’s government, the following reports would provide hints to see how the West manufactures and frames the current war in South Sudan to advance its interest. Under the title – “South Sudan atrocities amount to war crimes” – the Guardiannews paper falsely claimed that civilians in South Sudan have been subject to ‘extraordinary acts of cruelty’, including gang rape and ethnically motivated murder, see

Kiir and Machar’s tribal war has split the country along ethnic lines, sparking clashes between Kiir’s Dinka and Machar’s Nuer,

Machar has never plotted a coup against Kiir’s governemt – “we have not seen any evidence that this was a coup attempt, but it certainly was the result of a huge political rift”,

In South Sudan, ethnic attacks spark fears of civil war. President Salva Kiir, an ethnic Dinka, and former vice president Riek Machar, who is a Nuer. Targeted ethnic killings threaten to throw the country into chaos,

The conflict in South Sudan took on an ethnic dimension, pitting South Sudan’s two largest groups, the Dinka and the Nuer, against each other. Mr. Kiir is a Dinka, while Mr. Machar is a Nuer, available at New York Times web site,

South Sudan is at a ‘tipping point’ as ethnic violence puts millions ofpeople at risk of starvation and disease,

What began as a political struggle in the SPLM party soon took on an ethnic dimension as fighting broke out between the two largest ethnic groups in South Sudan, the Dinka and the Nuer. Kiir is a Dinka, and Machar a Nuer, see http:// rejects rebel call to free politicians.

Kiir and Machar have been struggling for power for some time and behind their rivalry lies ethnic antagonism – Mr Kiir is a Dinka, the largest tribe in South Sudan, and Mr Machar is a Nuer, the second largest ethnic group

The war in South Sudan is rapidly dividing the two-year-old nation on ethnic lines, pitting Mr Kiir’s Dinka tribe against the Nuer tribe to which Mr Machar belongs,

The West has not been acting alone without domestic allies in South Sudan. For example, the Nuer media – which is the mouth piece of Machar’s uncalled rebellion, has pumped out a handful of unbalanced reports about South Sudan crisis – joining its Western devil allies in “Kiir must step down” drive.

“South Sudanese security operatives allegedly targeted mainly the Nuer national staffs headed for the training in Uganda”, come on duds ….security screening is a normal thing – done in every airport around the globe, not only in Sudan Sudan. More details availabl at 2, 2014 Kampala.

Kiir and his militias, motivated by hatred and lust for power, continue to carry out refined and systematic extermination of ethnic Nuer with the sole purpose of thorough ethnic cleaning. The barbaric, inhuman, ruthless murdering and massacre of Nuer civilians in a cold blood is a testimony to the cruelty and brutality of the Killer, criminal Kiir and his Militias in South Sudan, this report could be found at 03, 2014/Nyamilepedia.

Thousands of Nuer civilians have been killed in Juba and unregistered number of Nuer civilians in Unity State’s, Mayom, Koch, Mayendit, Rubkoni, Panyijiar and leer hasbeen driven out from their homes by Kiir’s Dinka forces, forces.

Nuers were killed like chicken by soldiers loyal to President Kiir. As the war raged in Juba, the Dinka soldiers began looking for Nuer in their houses and killing them one by one which completely confused the whole situation in the Country. Gai Manyuon, a Nuer deposed journalist would provide you with more details on this story or you can access it under the title, “A survivor: Visionless Kiir must be charged for the Crime against Humanity”

Without hesitation, the above reports about South Sudan conflict are all lies cooked by agents of South Sudan’s destruction. In fact, there has never been any targeted killing in Juba and the conflict itself is not tribal as the West and criminal Riek Machar would want us to believe.

Although the Western media dubs the conflict in South Sudan as “tribal war”, both camps (government & rebels) have distanced themselves from this tribal narrative. Maj. Gen. James Koang Chuol – Machar’s tribal loyalist – cautions the Western media – suggesting that the current conflict should not be viewed as a tribal war, describing it as a struggle against dictatorship.

Chuol has strongly condemned those framing the violence as a war against the Nuer and Dinka tribes – “Rebel commander says S. Sudan conflict shouldn’t be labelled as tribal war” available at 15, 2014 Kampala.

President Kiir– Machar’s barrier to presidency also jumped to the podium arguing that “ethnicity is not actually in our vocabulary, and as we speak with you, the chief of general staff of the SPLA, the whole army, he’s a Nuer. The speaker of the national assembly, he’s a Nuer. The director general of the external security, he’s a Nuer. Plus the key positions in the ministerial positions are being held by Nuer” –Interview: South Sudan President Salva Kiir

Mayen Dut Wol – South Sudan ambassador to terrorists’ hub Sudan and a close ally to ICC destined Bashir insists that the ongoing conflict in South Sudan is political in nature, and not motivated by tribal rivalries. Wol firmly claims that five out of the seven members of the ruling party’s political bureau who supported Machar during his chairmanship bid in 2013 are from Kiir’s Dinka tribe while the other two are from Machar’s Nuer tribe – this proves that “the conflict is about political differences among the ruling party leadership,” – South Sudan conflict ‘political, not tribal’ – can be viewed at

The Western media led the charge into South Sudan’s crisis and the Wall Street vultures began drooling; Western military intelligence operatives under the UNMISS’s cover – begun organizing logistics, maintaining supply chains, arranging weapons shipments to support their darling aka Riek Machar – “UN Trucks Intercepted Trying To Smuggle Arms To Rebels In South Sudan” – available at “Ghana caught up in South Sudan’s UN arms scandal“

Juba Nuer massacre which doesn’t exist has been systematically cemented into the minds of many people around the globe through a year-long insidious western media propaganda reporting. Almost a year after the pivotal events of December 15 – when Riek Machar and his mates in crime staged a coup against the people’s government led by his Excellency Gen. Salva Kiir Mayadit, should the western media news consumers – scholars, peace workers, academics, clergy, politicians, humanitarian aid workers, everyone – start thinking and accept responsibility for their own participation in the current crisis in South Sudan?

The answer to this question depends on which side of the equation you’re in, but let’s set the stage for the so-called “Juba Nuer massacre” which purportedly began in December 15 2013. In my perspective, it would be helpful if critical facts are offered to anyone who wants to mourn and sob about mayhem in South Sudan ought to understand before they open their mouths and display sheer ignorance.

The current conflict in South Sudan isn’t between Nuer and Dinka as reputed somewhere in this article. The writing is very clear on the wall. Riek Machar is simply using ethnicity card to mislead uninformed Nuer villagers and cattle herders to fight his war of power greed.

Juba’s incident – where Machar attempted to force his way to presidency doesn’t fit definition of genocide. It’s a mere propaganda by Machar and his blind supporters to justify their opportunistic war against the state, and to the West, it’s the resource hunt strategy.

Riek Machar is an excellent liar. Look, in his first interview with Al Jazeera in undisclosed location on the 19th of Dec. 2013 – after he fled from Juba like a beheaded chicken, he lied to the whole world that 20, 000 Nuer have been killed in Juba by Kiir’s government.

Kiir’s Dinka soldiers in Juba have been flattening Nuer dominated suburbs and members of the country’s national intelligence services have been picking people off and carting bodies around the capital. Ethnically targeted violence is ongoing in Juba with reports of killings and arbitrary detentions of Nuer civilians.

He accused Kiir in the same interview of inciting ethnic killings and tribal divisions in the country. South Sudan’s Machar speaks to Al Jazeera, available at // Sudan’s Machar speaks to Al Jazeera 19 Dec. 2013.

But remember this interview was done three days after the fighting broke out in Juba. Riek Machar was not spared a chance to even change his clothes or take a shower, leave alone counting the dead. He was being pursued day and night between Juba and Bor by the SPLA until he was rescued by blood–thirsty Peter Gadet in Bor.

This calls into question – how did he manage to count the Nuer killed in Juba while on the run? Does anyone out there know the answer?

However, based on the available evidence, I would argue that the alleged Juba Nuer massacre or Kiir’s tribally sponsored genocide as they call it is mythology that relies on simplifications, tribal narratives, stereotypes and reductionism about President Kiir.

While the Western media cheers the killer “Riek Machar,” Kiir and his colleagues in the government are in turn portrayed as killers who could do anything to maintain their grip on power. They have been depicted as those who are ruthlessly set to wipe out every Nuer off the earth.

But in turn, Kiir and his mates saw the war coming at the hands of their erstwhile elites – Riek Machar and his Western allies. President Kiir and his team knew too well before Dec. 15 2013 – given Machar’s history of power grab that he…. (Machar) would be plotting to grab people’s power, and this would undermine social, economic, military and political institutions in South Sudan.

Kiir and his team were also well aware that Machar’s power grab bid would destroy people’s properties and slaughter thousands of innocent men, women and children across South Sudan who are seen to be not supporting the SPLM – In – Opposition – Bor Massacre is a perfect example of Machar’s ruthlessness, (See Bentiu Massacre at at

Kiir and people of Sudan have been waiting to see response from the international community in regard to Machar’s atrocities – but no, the international community has instead threatened Kiir’s government on numerous occasions, with sanction and arms embargo should it continue military offensive against Machar’s rebels.

See “Rival forces in South Sudan’s civil war should face sanctions and an arms embargo – the scale and gravity of the abuses warrant a comprehensive arms embargo on South Sudan, as well as targeted sanctions on individuals responsible for serious violations of international law”, available at

The SPLM – In – Opposition led by tribal warlord Riek Machar is a “criminal enterprise” firmly determined to wipe out entire towns, cities, villages and cattle camps particularly of those who do not support its criminal activities.

As a result, those who have been singing the ‘Nuer Juba massacre’ song should now understand that these were very real certainties that Kiir and his work matched a right and necessity to defend themselves and their country against.

Machar’s Western in-laws have always been behind him when he plans his usual subversive activities. For example, in an apparent show of support and solidarity, Western coverts agents including intelligence officers flocked to Pagak, a rebel hub town along Ethiopian border where Machar and his unruly group recently held a consultative conference about power sharing agreement.

Sources in that meeting disclosed that the Western intelligence officers held a closed door meeting with Riek to work out ways to bring down Kiir’s government to its knees through military means,

To them if any woman is raped or civilians massacred by Machar’s rebels, it could be an accident, a rogue soldier, and said soldier would be duly punished. No one has ever been punished up to date.

Facts don’t seem to matter anymore because Western hysteria has been whipped up by its wild media. The Western psyche has been indoctrinated to believe exactly what Riek Machar and his agents want: Kiir must go, there should be two armies in South Sudan, Nuer should control 70 per cent of the government, South Sudan should be reunited with Sudan, Western elites should take charge of oil and other resources in the country, Ngundengism should be the main religion in South Sudan, politics of regionalism– Bar el ghazal, Upper Nile & Equatoria should be reintroduced, South Sudan should be placed under the UN trusteeship, National Legislative Assembly must be dissolved, The SPLM must be dismantled, the structure of South Sudan Army (SPLA) must be changed.

Is criminal Riek Machar out of his mind? These demands are laughable and South Sudanese who love their country won’t agree with him. However, while he … (Machar) attempted a coup against the government, he has been applauded, shielded, and/or hidden from the eyes of the world by the West.

Machar’s war of greed and tribalism has opened a flood gate and imperialists are bent to do whatever they want in South Sudan in the shadow of international intervention. The Western media has done its best. It has brainwashed minds and psyche of individuals in the West – transforming them into hysterical self – congratulatory humanitarians, unable to separate truth from lie, and certain of their conclusions no matter how erroneous.

John Bith Aliap holds two bachelor degrees in Social Work and Social Planning. He can be reached at

Pres. Salva Kiir has betrayed his people & the nation

By: James Gatdet Dak,DEC/20/2014, SSN;

After many painful decades of destructive war of liberation against successive oppressive regimes in Khartoum, people of South Sudan gained their hard won freedom on 9 July 2011. The independence which resulted from an overwhelming vote in favour of separation from the rest of Sudan, in an internationally monitored referendum, was thought to be the beginning of the freedom at last.

It was thought that lives would be rebuilt in the state-nation building as good governance with selfless spirit would supersede selfish gains. It was thought that peaceful plural democratic politics would be adopted and embraced as prerequisites for justice, stability and prosperity.

Little did the down trodden masses know that they were going yet for another protracted cycle of unnecessary internal bloodshed and self-destruction.

General Salva Kiir Mayardit, the first president of the Republic of South Sudan, has betrayed his people and the nation. He has betrayed the trust of the people of South Sudan bestowed upon him in August 2005 and April 2010.

Kiir had an overwhelming support from his colleagues, and of course from the South Sudanese masses, irrespective of ethnicity, who stood behind him from the onset when he succeeded our former leader, Dr. John Garang de Mabior, in August 2005.

He also started well when he boldly decided to reconcile and reunite with the Other Armed Groups (OAGs), led by late General Paulino Matip Nhial, returning to the fold their supporters among the populace.

Kiir also had a committed able team of colleagues in the ruling party (SPLM) and government. This team led by his former right-hand man, Dr. Riek Machar Teny, went through thick and thin, shuttling between Juba and Khartoum, and successfully negotiated the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).

The team also ensured that Kiir was elected in April 2010, renewed his mandate and continued with the mission to achieve independence. Despite the fact that there were unbearable weaknesses in his leadership as captain of the ship, the team continued to tolerate such weaknesses so that any internal conflict did not arise and overshadow the main mission.

This was to avoid chances by Khartoum to take advantage of unfavourable internal situation which might jeopardize the long awaited exercise of referendum on the right of self-determination.

The team made independence of South Sudan a priority number one above other critical issues on democracy and governance.

Unfortunately, President Kiir was not prepared for the state-nation building after independence. He displayed an apparent act of apostasy and deviated from the vision and principle objectives of the party. The President defiantly displayed a misguided one-man show and continued to do so even in post independent era and after eight years in power.

President Kiir dashed the hopes and high expectations of the people when his fascist administration continued to indulge in corruption with impunity. Tribalism, acute inadequacy in delivery of basic services and lack of well-planned socio-economic and physical infrastructural developments were lingering on.

Instead of appreciating and compensating the people of South Sudan with untrammeled freedom, rule of law and democracy, unity and development for their suffering in the liberation struggle and for standing behind him for eight years and counting, Kiir chose to walk the path of dictatorship, division and lack of development. He finally plunged the young nation into civil war on 15 December 2013 and the consequent predicament.

A patriotic statesman who claimed to have liberated his people would not betray the very people and the nation in the way president Kiir has done it!

He has stooped so low that he decided to defend his position with bloody iron fist against reformists and democratic processes in leadership successions in the party and government.

He did not learn a positive thing from the political life and leadership of the South African icon, Nelson Mandela, whose burial service he attended, nor read books about Julius Nyerere of Tanzania.

Kiir as chairman of the SPLM (currently in government) defied messages which he, his colleagues and the populace clearly read on the wall when all the states secretariats of the ruling party in 2012 summarized their report after exhaustive consultations with the people in which the report clearly stated that the SPLM had lost vision and direction.

The party chairman and his colleagues were reminded of the need to check what went wrong that led to the loss of vision and direction. Thus, they understood there was need for reforms and maybe change of guards in order to rejuvenate the party’s leadership and revitalize its vision and redirect its policies.

The party’s constitution necessitated leadership contest in every five years, and in this case, from May 2008 to May 2013. So it was never a crime for any leader or member of the party to decide and express desire to contest for the top seat or any other position ahead of a planned national convention?

Machar as the next senior officer and some of his colleagues had to act in trying to salvage the party and nation from near collapse. They declared their interest to constitutionally contest for the chair.

In reaction, president Kiir decided to unconstitutionally go around the process by first blocking further follow up meetings of the political bureau, the highest executive organ of the SPLM, from taking place.

He went on to unconstitutionally dissolve party structures with the exception of his own office, strangely.

Finally, the president faked a military coup in order to arrest, dehumanize or eradicate the reformists and contesters. This was an attempt to silent voices critical of the way he was running the party.

There was never a planned coup in the first place. This is why the case collapsed in his own court in Juba. There was no single evidence. There was no single army officer in the army headquarters implicated for allegedly taking part in the military coup attempt.

Those arrested on the night of 15 December and the days that followed were all party leaders who were awakened and surprised by sounds of AK-47s when they were asleep and unaware.

This is because their meetings days before the 15 December incident were simply calling on President Kiir to convene a meeting for the party’s political bureau in an attempt to reconcile the differences and chart a way forward, where basic documents were to be passed.

This author was in attendance and actually took the minutes and participated in the drafting of the resolutions of the last meeting chaired by Machar with participation of more than ten senior party leaders, most of whom were the current former detainees led by the former SG, Pagan Amum Okiech.

The meeting was held in the house of Mama Rebecca Nyandeng de Mabior days before the 15 December. There was nothing militant about it. It was all about reconciliation in the party.

But when Kiir called for an abrupt meeting at Nyakuron Culture Center in Juba and bent on forcefully passing the basic documents [manifesto, rules and regulations, code of conduct and constitution], without the necessary discussions and amendments, he was already in bad mood during which he sprayed insults, threatening his colleagues, instead of reconciling with them.

Certain quarters in South Sudan and from foreign countries however contributed to the confusion and helped in hardening the dictatorial tendencies which president Kiir developed. Bad advisors who only saw their interest in fishing in the dirty water didn’t want a democratic process which would have seen their bread winner exit the throne.

What the heck is democracy, they whispered in confidential circles. Kiir seemed to have picked such ill-intentioned advices from his close loyalists and foreign mentors, taking it as an assurance of not being alone in the encouraged collective greed for power and wealth.

These are the individuals and groups who now try to throw the blame on Dr. Riek Machar for challenging Salva Kiir in the first place, ignoring the fact that the constitution allowed any party member to expressively challenge the chair ahead of a national convention.

Thus, Machar and two other colleagues including Mama Rebecca Nyandeng and SG Pagan Amum expressed their respective desires to contest for the chair. This they revealed in February 2013 just three months to the planned SPLM convention in May, if the schedule was to be followed. Therefore there was nothing wrong about it.

There are some who continue to argue and ask, but why did Machar dare to contest against his boss while he was still his deputy in the party and government? These hypocrites should be reminded that there is no article in the SPLM constitution which stipulates that a deputy chairman shall not contest against his chairman.

Yet the same people would contradictorily argue and ask, but why didn’t Machar challenge Kiir’s weaknesses when the two were in the fold for eight years from 2005 to 2011? I believe the same people would equally blame him if he persistently did so before independence and Kiir resisted and war broke out. It was wise to concentrate on priority number one (independence).

Nevertheless, Machar tried so hard to advise and show Kiir his weaknesses and offered him remedies which the latter rejected for so long. Even though he delegated some of his executive powers to his deputy, Kiir continued to sabotage Machar’s efforts. Machar only hanged on with him for the sake of unity, hoping that Kiir would change in time, particularly after independence.

Long story short, president Kiir should save the nation by let-going his burning desire to remain president for life. He should not continue to hold South Sudan hostage when he failed his chance for nearly 10 years now.
His visionless rule is characterized by rampant corruption, tribal divisions, lack of development and deadly violence. He should step down and allow others to put the house in order. This would be an applauded bold decision if he did it.

A meaningful peace agreement on the basis of a federal system of governance needs to be reached between the warring parties and the war stopped.

The SPLM party and leaders, without Kiir, would then reconcile, reinstate and reconstitute their pre-15 December leadership hierarchy to lead an interim period before the next national convention and general elections.

A genuine democratic political multi-party system needs to be instituted in the South Sudanese politics. Mergers or alliances between like-mind political parties should also be encouraged in order to come out with few, but strong political parties capable of challenging and checking each other.

Reforms in the party and in the various sectors in government should be introduced and implemented.

Finally, president Kiir should be mindful of whatever good legacy he is destroying in whole. He should be courageous enough to wake up one morning and decide that the nation is above what seems to be his desire for lifetime presidency.

Ten years in power is enough for one to explore his or her ability and capacity as a leader.

He has to quit for the sake of the people he claimed to have liberated, but yet let down at the critical time when they were yearning for unity, stability and prosperity.

The author is a Spokesperson in the Office of the Chairman, SPLM/SPLA. The opinionated contents in the article are however his personal views, and not an official statement. He can be reached at