Archive for: March 2014

Kiir’s vitriolic campaign against UNMISS

BY: Dr. Peter Kopling, South Sudan, MAR/14/2014, SSN;

President Kiir has launched a dirty campaign against United Nations Mission in South Sudan, the same UN that supports him through thick and thin. The UNMISS, because of their presence, prevented Rwanda style genocide and Now Kiir wants them out, one then is forced to ask what is Kiir after?

In what way is UNMISS mission to serve, saving and protecting lives not helping Kiirs course?

In Bahr El Ghazal, youth and students affiliated with SPLA ruling party have issued ultimatum of 72 hour for the worlds respected body to vacate the State or else will be evicted by force. Though it remains unclear how the youth will evict such powerful world authority.

It must be pointed out here that such threats must not be taken lightly given the UN has already regrettably lost lives on our soil!

How can we turn against our very lifeline? It must be pointed out that the kiir government is using the sole channel of communication in the country, the South Sudan TV, to propagate their vitriolic agenda against the UNIMISS.

This is the classic functioning of a dictator, the likes of Omar El Bashir, Sadam Hussein.. etc, mobilizing their poor to demonstrate in the streets against the West, how well has Kiir learned his dictatorship lesson just in eight years!

In Juba Vice president James Wani Igga led the SPLA youth league rally on Monday in late John Garang Mausoleum. Our youth were blindly mobilized by the President and vice president, to chant slogans like “go away Hilda Johnson”.

Though many people in South Sudan in the past viewed Hilda Johnson as a very close friend to Kiir, how this is now turned on its head.

Since the December 15 2013 Juba Massacre, the relationship between the UMMISS and the government of south Sudan is strained.

It is reported that the information minister Michael Makuei went as far as wiretapping the phone calls of Hilda Johnson and other UNMISS top officials in the country.

The most embarrassing thing for Kiirs government happened when the interior Minister Makuei was denied access into the UN compound in Benitue with his entourage of armed soldiers and video cameras; shamelessly he came back to Juba and reported maliciously, and twisted the report to Kiir that UN is running a paralleled administration on top of that of Kiir in Juba.

The issue here is not that Kiir doesn’t like UNMISS and is not that UNMISS is running a paralleled administration or government on top of a government as suggested by Kiir’s parrots, the likes of the Vice president, but rather, Kiir seems to be addicted to tendency of intimidating anyone who disagreed with him.

Kiir and his cabinet have accused the UNMISS for not condemning what the President called a failed coup attempt masterminded by his former vice president Dr Riek Machar, and his colleagues who oppose Kiir and want to see more reforms within the SPLA ruling party.

Since UNMISS did not buy these lies and seemed to have different view from Kiir, thus the only way for Kiir to deal with the world body is to tarnish them by labeling them as siding with the rebels.

Does this surprise anyone who truly understands the modus operandi of this government?

Is this not the very same tactic he used against Team Riek who had different views than him and he turned around and used the incident of his very own illegal militias infighting to blackmail, but also eliminate those opposed to him by either assassinations or imprisonments?

His reactions to dissent, opposing view seems to eliminate, kill and imprison, rather than listen, negotiate and compromise!

This being the case, is it any surprise then that he is putting more efforts in executing the war rather than the peace in Addis Ababa?

Is it any wonder then that he is now mobilizing simple and poor citizens of South Sudan Who benefited tremendously from the World body to kick out UNMISS?

It should surprise no keen observer that this is how Kiir operates against those who disagree with him.

It should worry every citizen of South Sudan that, If those who fought with him for 21 years, those who watched his back like Pagan Amun, or the very Matriarch of our land, Rebecca Nyandeng, could be smeared and accused of a coup, and now the latest victim is none other than the World’s very respected body, then who are you and who is me that will be spared by Kiir?

Is there therefor anyone safe in South Sudan with this Kiir government?

So the UNIMISS must stick to its gun and not leave our country at the mercies of this irrational government.

It is clear here that the UNMISS was playing its role responsibly though being a victim. It is reported that those UN deaths occurred in the hands of the Rebels and yet now the UN is being accused of supporting the Rebels?

And this is unfortunate because it puts the lives of the UNMISS personals at risk, given the nature of Kiir’s Militia and the massacre they carried in Juba.

Why is Kiir fomenting animosity against UNMISS that can cause lives?

The constant negative campaign brought by Kiir against UNMISS has got nothing to do with what UN is doing in South Sudan. Kiir and his top cabinets members feel since UN is hosting in the UNMISS Camps some highly wanted Nuer whom Kiir’s government accused of being pro rebels.

By forcing UN out of the country, those wanted Nuer military men who have sought refuge in the UNMISS will be left without any protection and surely will be executed and definitely more massacre of the Nuer Women and Children.

This is at the center of the government mischievous maneuvers to bring all sorts of accusation against UNMISS.

This was the plan behind kiir’s security forces destroying the toilet/latrine pits and bathing places located outside the UN compound in Juba, which housed more than 25,000 Neur Civilians since 15 December 2013.

If UNMISS had all these years not seen this dark side of Kiir, blackmailing his opponents to rid them, I say to the UNMISS, welcome to Kiir’s South Sudan, You are now all true South Sudan, Free range for Kiir and his Cronies.

Just as many analysts pointed out, indeed on 12 March it came to light that the alleged convoy marked for carrying UN humanitarian relief materials and later on found to be carrying guns was government plan to bring more accusation on UN.

The guns and other military materials were said to have been inserted in the trucks by South Sudan security personals to fabricate and implicate the world body in the Civil war so as to Kick them out of South Sudan.

This is so as to have a free range for massacre. If Kiir can demand UNMISS, who have not been involved in Direct fire power with him, to leave the country, why then will he expect less from Riek and teams, when they demand Uganda who is actively on the frontline but also in the air dropping cluster bombs and killing fellow countrymen in our sovereign territories to leave?

What Hypocrisy in Kiir’s part!

It seems additionally the main issue here also is, the UNMISS likely is getting too close to finding out that Kiir indeed committed genocide in Juba, Kiir therefor wishes UNMISS out of South Sudan, to eventually be replaced by his IGAD buddies who will bury his sins to avoid ICC.

This is one of the core reasons of him turning against the UNMISS, who likely are finally telling him things as they are.

If the UNMISS is forced out of the country will the government be able to fill the vacuum left by the UN in South Sudan?

This is a crippled government desperate, searching for solution to hang to power; my mere advice is that Kiir should instead turn to UN for the most needed basic support.

South Sudan cannot even run its own budget until UN chief Ban Mon, appointed a special economist to do the budgeting for the country beside that all the running schools and hospitals in the country are directly funded by UN agencies and other humanitarian organization.

Therefore South Sudan launching this useless campaign war against the UN is like a small child of 10 years telling his parents, I want you to give me my freedom and independence to move away from home.

This is a suicidal mission for this child and if the UN indeed were to pull out of the country this will pave way for Kiir to massacre more Nuer people and anyone who will oppose him.

All responsible People of South Sudan instead should urge the world bodies to exert more pressure on Kiir to leave the World body alone to carry on with their mandate to serve and save lives in South Sudan as they are now doing.

Kiir is naïve and lacks wisdom to rule a country and behave responsibly in the world communities, and he doesn’t have any peaceful ways to resolve indifference between him and the people whose views are different from his.

All this is a sign that Kiir is very badly handicapped and disadvantaged by feelings of insecurity due to his limited educational achievements.

We have seen leaders like him before throughout Africa and other countries in Asia. For such a leader to survive, they resort to repression, oppression, imprisonment of opponents and antagonizing the World bodies.

Unfortunately those surrounding him do not tell him the truth for the fear of loosing their livelihood and lives making this disease incurable, they pump up his ego rather than telling him the truth. So Kiir is doomed.

In conclusion, the blame and unrelenting campaign launched by Kiir against the UN is baseless, and it just reckless and utter nonsense.

This will not help the country from moving forward, instead it will place us in awkward position in the world stage and risk more lives.

Kiir yet again is acting irrational, irresponsible and we need someone to tell him the truth. He now is the exact carbon copy of the system in the former Sudan he spent his entire adult life fighting.

The UNMISS needs to know, we the Ordinary people of South Sudan, who are the majority, need you to stay and do not leave us in the Mouth of the Lion, no matter how loud he roars!

Why leave South Sudan, only to see us again in Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda, Congo, CAR and Sudan?

Dr Peter Kopling.

He who maintains Silence in the face of evil, condones it.

Assassination Plan On Security minister, Mabutu Mamur

(Articles quoted from www.thesosanews.com)

BY: JUSTIN S KWAJE, Staff Writer, MAR/13/2014, SSN;

The South Sudan Capital Juba came under heavy gunfire on Wednesday, 5th of March 2014 following a dispute among army units over salary payments inside the main military barracks where the Commandos, Presidential Guards and the Military hospital are located.

Though the SPLA Public Information Director and the different media outlets have, by all accounts, not confirmed the exact number of casualties, a senior officer from the National Security put the death toll to over 100 with scores seriously injured, with the death toll likely to worsen.

The same officers further stated there were attempts to arrest individual officers suspected to be behind the incident, including high-ranking Military officers among Equatorians.

According to another senior officer of the South Sudan Security Intelligence, this was another well-planned strategy by President Kiir. The same Presidential Guards (saviors of Kiir) that started the December saga with subsequent targeted killings and Juba massacre, dragging our country into abyss, has done it yet again.

This top officer, who is well placed within the closed intelligent circle, whose identity can not be disclosed for security reasons, revealed to South Sudan Liberty news that during a cabinet meeting, March 7, 2014, “the minister of national security walked out of the meeting after briefly expressing his disappointment to president Kiir, despairing that the president’s actions of handling the current crises is tearing the country apart rather than bringing it together.”

After the meeting, President Kiir met with his legal adviser, Telar Ring, and attended by only his trusted tribesmen who all remained closed lips but from the security intelligence source, a close aide to M7 (Uganda’s Museveni) revealed that president Kiir telephoned M7 on Friday and narrated his longstanding disappointment with the minister of national security, given his runs with the government of South Sudan in the past and now for his questionable actions and walking out of the meeting that day.

The two Senior Chiefs (Museveni and Kiir) agreed that Kiir immediately disarm or get rid of (assassinate) the minister once and for all.

After the end of the phone call with Museveni, a similar call was made to the Eastern Equatoria State (EES) Governor, Louis Lobong, to tighten security in Torit especially on the different Otuho ethnic groups in town.

Indeed, following the directives from the president, Louis Lobong called for a security meeting and ordered all the security apparatus in the State to be on high alert and watch for any suspicious activities particularly among the Otuho group from which hails the Minister of national security.

During the same meeting, it is disclosed that Governor Lobong instructed the Brigade Commander in Torit not to issue guns or ammunition to the new military personals, mostly consisting of Equatorians and Nuers, who arrived in Torit from Lakes State where they were trained.

These ominous revelations of the underground work of this government underscores the consistent patterns and behaviors of President Kiir and his close advisers to continuously target, frame and eliminate anyone resistant to his subjugation, the Nuer in particular but now raising its head to the Equatorian Elites who up to now think they are safe.

But it is becoming clear that Kiir will stop at nothing to preserve what he believed as the Power that belongs to his tribe for “liberating South Sudan.”

Do we not remember Kiir told his Dinka people once that, “This power I have is yours, they now want to take it away, will you let them?”

Apparently not all Dinka are spared either, except the Warrap (Gogorial) and Aweil boys.

Kiir wants to be worshiped like God but not to be regarded only as a leader who can be approached, questioned and advised.

The clear implications of this leak to all South Sudanese people is that with now his intent to target Equatorian Elites, lessons must be drawn from his genocide of Nuer Civilians in Juba.

The UNMISS and Human Rights agencies should keep close watch and monitor Kiir’s actions as well as that of Governor Louis Lobong before they could kill the 200 military men in the name of a 3rd Coup, this time in Torit.

According to the closest Aides to Presidents Kiir and Museveni, President Kiir WILL NEVER stop killing those who are opposed to his administration, even though at the moment, the three puppets, the Vice President, James Wani Igga, Cabinet Affairs Minister Dr. Elia Lomoru and Governor Louis Lobong Lojore, under the advice of Telar Ring, are still safe.

They are ready to hang to power despite all the odds but for those who are watching, one thing is for sure.

If the likes of Pagan Amum (dismissed SPLM Sec/general), can fall from the president’s grace and now possibly facing the death penalty, then these puppets’ days are perilously numbered and it is a only question of who will be next.

Justin S KWAJE

Staff writer.

(Disclaimer: The contents and opinion expressed above are solely those of the author and his webblog and SouthSudanNation.com bears nor responsibility whatsoever)

The UNMISS & Additional Crisis for South Sudan

BY: Dr. James Okuk, RSS, MAR/12/2014, SSN;

What brought the UNMISS to South Sudan and what will make it to continue or discontinue operating in South Sudan? This is the essential question of concern these days; especially with the repeated errors committed by some careless UNMISS staff.

The UNMISS came to South Sudan by default as a result of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed between the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and the Sudan People Liberation Movement/Army in 2005. It was called UNMIS under UN Charter; Chapter Six and with Security Council Resolution 1590 dated 24th March 2005.

Its core mandate by then was to ensure that the signed peace agreement was kept intact so that war is not invited back. Its Headquarters was in Khartoum with operation compounds scattered in Malakal, Juba and other limited parts of the country.

There was no much scrutiny and suspicion, particularly from side of the Government of Southern Sudan, regarding the operation of the UNMIS. All its personnel were perceived as friends of Southern Sudan with good will to help in peacekeeping endeavors.

The SPLM leaders might have thought that the UNMIS was for the interest of Southern Sudan against any violation from Khartoum that was known for dishonoring agreements. Thus, the UNMIS was allowed to transport whatever they wanted via any entry port in Southern part of the Sudan without cross-checking for authenticity.

The first test of the mandate of the UNMIS took place in Malakal when the Other Armed Forces (militias) of Gabriel Tangyinya under the pretext of Joint Integrated Units fought with the SPLA inside Military Headquarters (Giyada) in Malakal in December 2006, and again near the airport in February 2009.

However, the armed violence was contained quickly and there were limited fatalities, casualties and destruction on the side of the civilians. Malakal town was not brought to barbaric ruins except the looting of Upper Nile University by the Nuer Militias. No civilians took refuge in UNMIS compound. Life went back to normal in Malakal.

Later when South Sudan became an independent country, the UNMIS quickly transformed itself into UNMISS, but under Chapter Seven of the UN Charter with Security Council Resolution 1996 dated 8th July 2011.

The UNMISS signed an agreement with the Government of South Sudan on status of its armed forces (SOFA) on 8th August 2011, similar to that signed with Government of Sudan on 28th December 2005.

It is stipulated in article IV of SOFA that, Quote: “UNMISS and its members shall refrain from any action or activity incompatible with the impartial and international nature of their duties or inconsistent with the spirit of the present arrangements. UNMISS and its members shall respect all local laws and regulations.” End Quote.

With the SOFA, the UNMIS continued to live in very nice honey-moons with the Government of Southern Sudan and so has it been with the Government of South Sudan, especially when Ms. Hilde F. Johnson took over as the Special Representative. Even the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon was so impressed that he found himself singing the SPLM slogan of “Oyee” during the celebrations for the Declaration of Independence on 9th July 2011. The UNMISS enjoying the good will and friendliness of the SPLM government of South Sudan.

But now and with the devastating crisis created by the SPLM and its military wing the SPLA for South Sudan, the UNMISS ‘honey-moons’ seems to be turning into ‘sourly-sun’. Suspicions, mistrust, scrutiny and hostile propaganda seems to be taking the central stage. The UNMISS leadership seems to be caught unaware.

The Kiir-Riek’s conflict has wounded the good faith that was wrongly put on the UNMISS by South Sudanese. Nowadays, you rarely see the lovely images and messages of Ms Hilde aired on the SSTV when meeting the top VIPs in Juba.

Instead, you see her being painted as a ‘crisis-maker’ with a pistol in her hands aimed at target of paralyzing the government. She has been removed from the status of a lover of Kiir’s government. She is now perceived as promoter and facilitator of Riek’s rebellion.

The UNMISS has started to take it tough on the SPLM government especially on human rights violations. The SPLM government has started to retaliate too. No more easy friendships and smiles any more. It is only tensions and pressures on each other. The real work has commenced!

Tough questions about the Special Representative of UNMISS (and her team) that were never asked before in the open are now being aired out publicly and with serious repercussions.

Who is Hilde F. Johnson and what are her ulterior motives in representing the UN with a special status in South Sudan?

Does she honestly care about the plight of the vulnerable South Sudanese or she is here only to enjoy herself with her darling friends?

Why did she not visit the UNMISS compounds in Malakal, Bentieu, Bor and Akobo since the time these became refugees camps for South Sudanese who escaped the devastating atrocities at their homes?

Is she here to use South Sudan as a ladder that can take her up in the top hierarchy of the UN when the term of Ban Ki-Moon is over?

Does she want to rule South Sudan under the UN Trusteeship if South Sudanese failed to stop the madness of mass killings against themselves and stalled at establishing an interim government?

What are the identities/nationalities and the hidden motives/leanings of the rest of her leadership team in UNMISS?

Why are the IDPs, especially in Malakal, not protected by the UNMISS from all sorts of insecurity, especially hunger, no-shelter and diseases that kill daily in its compound?

Why is the UNMISS not allowing/facilitating the media outlets to go and take footages that could tell the world in pictures and videos about the catastrophic and apocalyptic situation of the South Sudanese IDPs being hosted in its compounds?

Who said that the UNMISS is supposed to protect the vulnerable civilians in its compounds only and not outside its premises in the troubled South Sudan?

What is the purpose of the Chapter Seven of the UN Charter if its provisions are not applied by the UNMISS on the ground in South Sudan when civilians and their homes are ruined to ashes by those who don’t have respect for human dignity?

Why was the UN Security Council so adamant in prescribing Chapter Seven in Darfur but reluctant to use the granted Chapter Seven in South Sudan when so many dear lives of innocent civilians have been annihilated on the watch of UN armed forces?

Of course the UNMISS is appreciated for the work it did to open its gates to South Sudanese who were fleeing from death and fear of atrocious harms on them in their unsecured residences in the towns where violent conflicts erupted in South Sudan.

The UNMISS is also much appreciated for hosting the displaced vulnerable civilians in their compounds, though in inhumane environment that has been un-protective in other terms of security except firearms.

The UNMISS is appreciated for airlifting and relocating some South Sudanese IDPs from its compounds to Juba and other safer locations.

But I doubt whether the UNMISS is going to continue operating for long in South Sudan in the manner it is doing now.

If Ms Hilde F. Johnson did well in the time of peace and love in South Sudan, it should be acknowledged reversely now that she has failed to succeed in the time of war and animosities. The UN should start appreciating her irrelevance now in South Sudan and withdraw her and her top team honorable before it is too late.

Though the UNMISS personnel enjoy immunities and privileges in accordance with the diplomatic conventions and the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA); it should not be a surprise when an embarrassing status of persona none grata is declared on Ms Hilde and some of her staff. It has been seen in public demonstrations aired in the SSTV that she is unwanted in South Sudan

The UNMISS should not continue to take the Government of South Sudan for granted, especially with the proposal of the UN Trusteeship, aiming at occupying the hot chair of the elected President of the Republic of South Sudan. The UN should not undermine it that the current crisis was caused by competition for occupying the top government chair of power being occupied already by President Salva Kiir. If the UN is looking for additional crisis in South Sudan let it touch Kiir’s Chair of Power.

What I can say in a nut-shield is that it is only peace that would allow the UNMISS to continue operating gracefully in South Sudan. Hence, the UN should make it a priority to bring peace quickly to this unfortunately ‘born-to-suffer’ country. It is that peace that could give the UNMISS a renewed mandate to keep and also keep itself in South Sudan. But how will that peace comes when so many things have fallen apart?

Promotion of war through distribution of violence armaments is not going to make the UNMISS continue to operate in South Sudan. The UNMISS Neutrality is not going to be possible when war and destruction is on.

Who will the UNMISS protect if the civilians leave South Sudan to take refuge in the neighboring countries because of war escalation and lack of dignified assistance inside the inhumane UNMISS premises?

Who will the government of South Sudan govern if the neglected civilians lose confidence in their own country and take refuge under governments of neighboring countries?

Who will blame the neglected citizens of South Sudan if they got angry with both the government and the rebels and demand a referendum to become part of neighboring countries protecting and assisting them now?

I am really worried about the fate of my beloved Republic of South Sudan. May God come to our help before it is too late!
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Dr. James Okuk is reachable at okukjimy@hotmail.com

South Sudan’s Constitutional Crisis burst into Political Upheaval

A quotable quote on constitutionalism:
“…in drafting a constitution for a new state it may be unrealistic to begin with presumptions in favour of brevity and flexibility. Often it will be politically impossible to obtain general agreement on the new constitution unless it is both lengthy and fairly rigid. Those who do not expect to find themselves in power on Independence Day may well be profoundly distrustful of the majority party and its leaders and the price of their acquiescence in the new order is therefore likely to be a somewhat constitutional machine with built-in-resistances against subsequent modifications. The principal methods of constitutional entrenchment either:
(a) Interpose a period of delay before a legislative proposal for constitutional amendment can have effect, or
(b) Require that bills for constitutional amendments shall be passed by special majorities in the legislature itself or combine two or more of these requirements if they are to become law, or
(c) Require the concurrence of bodies other than the legislature itself or combine two or more of these requirements”.(Professor Stanley Anthony de Smith)

BY: Mabor Maker Dhelbeny, JUBA, MAR/12/2014, SSN;

In light of the above-mentioned quote, the amendments of Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan (ICSS), 2005 by the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly of the then Sudan, and hereinafter adopted as ‘Transitional Constitution, 2011’ for the transitional government of Independence Country had experienced difficulties to reach the general agreement.

However, the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan (TCSS), 2011 enacted by the SPLM with majority of its members in the deliberation have concentrated a wide range of powers to the executive (presidency) as opposed to the legislature.

But Dr Machar seems was not acquiescing as he presented his draft of transitional constitution to govern the post-independent State alongside the official version in the parliament.

This trick might have depressed President Kiir in which he has been quoted as saying: “there is no country that can be run by more than one government.”

Taking into account, Art 101 of TCSS empowered the President with the 21 clauses, starting from (a)-to-(u) compare to Art. 105 with the only 4 clauses from (a)-to-(d) of the Vice President’s functions have completely cast the shadow of doubt to all the constitutional makers.

The Republic of South Sudan has more than one hundred legislations but due to lack of implementation as many culprits commit the crimes with impunity have raised a major concern. It seems that South Sudanese lawyers or both law makers, law implementers and law interpreters did something less about their laws.

For example, take the case of corruption and Dura saga where some kleptocrats with motives have misappropriated public funds to their private ends without facing justice. Is it because these kleptocrats who misappropriated public funds have some reasons to suppress public exposure and criticism which come from their colleagues, opposition politicians, media groups, civil societies and citizens?

Of course such suppression of criticism may take form of detention if not extermination of political opponents. This aspect of socio-political phenomenon which is known as corruption in the government has never been addressed since Anti-corruption Commission was teething.

Subsequently, the kleptocrats may therefore seek any means to remain in office for fear of post incumbency prosecution or loss the privileges of office regardless of the existing laws in this country. But any popular move to oust them from power even by constitutional means may result in further violence and human rights abuses.

This is what happened in South Sudan when the President had responded positively to the public outcry to reshuffle the whole cabinet in July last year, followed by the formation of a lean cabinet, not government.

This demonstrates that South Sudanese people seem to thrive on the sleaze perpetuated by their politicians. If the current carnage goes on like this, then it’ll make all adult males to be liable for conscription in order to resist the insurgency waged by the SPLA/M-In Opposition.

The choice of reforming the Sudan’s People Liberation Movement (SPLM) is confounding. Let’s not encourage nor condone violence for the violence solves no problem but it causes destruction.

So as a youth of this country, you must have dedication and sense of responsibility of a nation building and disengage from disgruntled politician’s ideologies. Don’t just gulp everything down without masticating it. Even eating a food, you need to chew it first before swallow.

So this crisis needs analytical approach. However, if the truth is the basis of the epigram, then there’s no need of shying away from it.

CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS
Democratically, one of the rationales of the Constitution is to prevent the government from abusing its powers over the people of this nation. However, the government of South Sudan is supposed to promote good governance and welfare of the people irrespective of their race, color, creed, religious or gender.

The recent case between the former S.G of the SPLM, Pagan Amum against Arthur Akuen, former minister of finance & economic planning have shown that South Sudan judicial system lacks impartiality by democratic standards.

Again the dismissal of Pagan’s case filed against the government by the Supreme Court in regards to restricting his freedom of movement further infringed the fundamental rights embodied in article 27 clauses (1) & (2) of the said Constitution.

This has been established in the case of Joseph A. Garang & Others v the Supreme Commission & others (HC-CS-93-1965) SLJR. In this Sudanese Constitutional case, the plaintiffs contended that such amendments were unconstitutional because they infringed the fundamental rights embodied in article (2) of the Constitution.

Moreover, in one of the Indian first constitutional cases namely; Gopolan v State of Madras (1950) A.I.R.S.C.27, in which it was pointed out that “in India it is the Constitution that is the Supreme, and that a statute law to be valid must in all cases be in conformity with the constitutional requirements and it is for the judiciary to decide whether any enactment is constitutional or not.”

This has raised a fundamental question as such: Is it because the model of judiciary’s prosecution has been centralized in order to administer justice as opposed to political decentralization system?

Some judges are still writing their judgments in Arabic language, contrary to what article 6, clause (2) of TCSS, stipulated as it reads: “English shall be the official working language in the Republic of South Sudan, as well as the language of instruction at all level of educations”.

While all the laws were in form of English text, I don’t know how they cited them. Is it not a clear violation of the constitution from the law interpreters? Probably lack of judges and unfair recruitment of judicial assistants demonstrate that the judiciary organ might be incapacitated and can’t adjudicate on political disputes.

Although Act No.4 s. 26 (1) of the Judiciary Act, 2008 entails that “the appointment of judicial assistants shall be by way of selection or if the judicial assistant is in the possession of – good performance or a certificate of post-graduate in law”.

Hence the word ‘selection’ is not enough but it may mean ‘hand-pick’ to mollycoddle the candidate.

Consequently, the situation in which a separate factions or disputants within the members of the SPLM-led government disagree over the interpretation of certain provisions in the TCSS, 2011 or the SPLM constitution or about the extent to which each other factions hold the affairs of sovereignty has resulted to the constitutional crisis that have now burst into the political upheaval.

On January the 21st 2013, President Kiir had relieved the Lakes State’s Governor Eng. Chol Tong Mayay from his duties due to the cycle of vengeance or sectional violence in Rumbek, citing Art 101, clause (r) of TCSS, 2011 which stipulated that ‘the President shall remove a state Governor…in the event of a crisis in the state that threatens national security and territorial integrity’. Something that Chol’s aides refuted to have been politically motivated.

It’s thus prompted Dr Riek to react negatively by writing a letter on March 13th 2013 to his Boss that, “I believe the main issue is the status of caretaker Governor. I think your comradeship will either relieve him and reappoint him or re-instate the elected governor Chol Tong Mayay to avoid the looming constitutional crisis.”

Subsequently Taban Deng Gai of Unity State who was the second elected Governor after Chol of Lakes State had also been relieved by the Presidential decree on July the 7th, 2013 without a clear reason.

At this juncture, the politicking of governors’ removal becomes extremely intense in which some of the political observers described that Kiir’s action would aggravate the prevailing state of insecurity in the country that may lead to political instability.

Critically, the President had appointed the two states caretaker governors of Lakes and Unity in accordance with the implementation of Art 101 clause (s) but partially violated it due to the absence of elections within 60 days in these two states where governors have been removed thereof.

The same thing had occurred within the National Legislative Assembly where some MPs’ posts fell vacant. But according to Art 64(2), by elections would have been held by the National Elections Commission (NEC) to fill the vacancies within 60 days following the vacancy’s occurrence. Ambiguously Art 62 (1) (d) says that ‘a candidate for membership of the National Legislature shall be literate’.

This sub-clause (d) is vague because knowing how to read and write does not qualify a candidate to be an MP, unless certain level such as form four leaver or its equivalent must be included in the next text of permanent constitution.

A primary two or three pupil can read and write, but does it mean he/she can comprehend the business of conduct or parliamentarians’ hot debate. That’s why some Mps do not even raise a motion or else pave the way of voting over the debated topic whether against it or in favor of it due to lack of knowledge.

For many months, Dr Riek had been at loggerheads with President Kiir over running the government affairs but unfortunately the long-time VP got himself sacked by the President according to Art 104 (2) which specifically allows him to remove the Vice President and appoint the replacement.

While during the whole cabinet reshuffle of July last year, Art 112 (1) reads together with Art 117 (1) grant the President to appoint and remove both ministers and deputy ministers of national government respectively.

Less than four months after the cabinet reshuffled, the former deputy and his groups held a press conference in disguise of the SPLM reform but later turned into a catastrophe. In this case, many analysts blame both Kiir and Riek for the ongoing strife that have totally raged and devastated the Greater Upper Nile beyond repair.

Many officials question the legality of their removal from power to have been illegitimate by the President, under the Transitional Constitution, not knowing that Act No. 1 section 38 (1) of Interpretation of Laws & General Provisions Act, 2006 stipulates that “where a written law confers or imposes upon a person the power or duty to make an appointment…unless a contrary intention appears, the person having that power or duty shall also have the power to remove, suspend, dismiss or revoke the appointment of, and to reappoint or reinstate a person appointed in the exercise or duty or to revoke the appointment, constitution or establishment of, or dissolve a board, commission, committee or similar body…”.

So President Kiir deserves to remove, suspend, appoint or dismiss any government official if necessary according to Transitional Constitution in conformity with South Sudan existing laws.

In mid February of last year, a series of decrees were issued by President Kiir to reshuffle the national armed forces (SPLA) in which he fired more than 100 top senior commanders including deputies to the Chief of General staff, in accordance with Art 153 (2) of TCSS, 2011read together with the Act No.1 s.13 (b) of SPLA Act, 2009 which says that “the President & Commander-in-Chief shall commission, promote, retire or dismiss officers of the SPLA”. Such move which sparked public fear in Juba was to transform the SPLA army.

RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION
• There is need for both South Sudanese politicians and citizens to adopt the politics of accommodation and compromise in the sense that genuine consensus must be reached first within and between other political parties. But in cases where strong factions have emerged within the ruling party just like the SPLM-In Opposition to challenge the leadership from basically idiosyncratic system, there should be an application of conciliation.

• Sustainability of good governance in order to strengthen the institutions that will fight against corruption, through capacity building must be in requirement of political will. Since corruption disrupts and confuses the adequate needs of populace, therefore strong laws on corruption must be enacted followed by an apparent strategy of implementation. Because lack of implementation has killed South Sudan.

• The formation of South Sudan Inquiry Commission and Hybrid Tribunal will leave no room for war criminals in a democratic society. Those who will be found guilty with heinous crimes will be penalized as perpetrators and therefore denied a life in the new political order as well as exclusivity from the future building of this a new nation.

• Because the significance of elections are to obscure the toughest task of nation building and discarding of incompetence politicians, thus the government of the Republic of South Sudan must re-schedule elections due to be held in 2015 to 2017 in order to allow the formation of interim government for two years in reception of peace and reconciliation.

• For the SPLA to be a national and professional army, recruitment into it would be based on educational qualification as a merit. Demobilization of inactive soldiers must be encouraged instead of mobilization and therefore train the demobilized soldiers with farming, welding, carpentry, masonry and other activities of livelihood.

One would borrow the argument of Professor Taban Lo Lylong that if the army is now for all to join then why not allot 1/3 to Greater Bahr El Ghazal; 1/3 to Greater Upper Nile and 1/3 to Greater Equatoria as the Anyanya government did, (Juba Monitor, Monday, March, 3, 2014 Vol.4 Issue No.37 pg.5).

To me the allotment should be traced back from the origin of struggle by the old soldiers of the SPLA, ranging from the period of 1983-to-2005; then followed by those who have joined the army recently but with the exclusion of militias.

• Republican guards of Tiger battalion must be recruited or selected from the army as educated soldiers, well trained, well disciplined, well equipped, well dressed, well oriented and etc who hailed from all 64 tribes of South Sudan in accordance with s. 6 (e) of the SPLA Act, 2009 in which ‘the SPLA shall adhere to the principles that reflect the ethnic composition of the people of South Sudan;’ but Dinkas (muonyjieng) or Nuers (Naath) should not only be left to the presidential palace to guard.

For this presidency belongs to all the above tribes and it should not be misperceived to have belonged to these two largest tribes only just because they are/were there to govern.

• In case of any changes, the National Constitutional Review Commission (NCRC) should not leave the Constitution to a special constituent assembly and legislative body due to the following factors: First a constituent assembly’s representation of many elements within south Sudanese society may prevent any group dominating the process but in writing the permanent constitution by the constituent assembly will be too expensive and cumbersome.

Second the legislative body may have special interests to be protected when writing the permanent constitution which will be a major setback. Hence the NCRC should stick on their guiding principles as representatives of the constitutional members in order to fulfill the mandate of the commission, according to article 202 of TCSS, 2011.

• Government must reverse the policy of appointing governors from the states where they hailed from in order to avoid tribal politics and resort back to the idea of late Dr. John Garang de Mabior in 2005 of caretaker governors he had appointed as a symbol of good governance and unity of our people.

• A country like South Sudan that remains always as a divided society, either ethnically or culturally must have a constitution with the ‘power-sharing model’. This model of power-sharing may take different forms ranging from federalism like the case of Ethiopia.

The NCRC however will be obliged to consult the expertise in some technical areas such as devolution of powers, financial management, auditor, independence of judiciary and etc.

The late hero Dr. John Garang onetime said ‘Sudan is too deformed to be reformed’. Similarly the Republic of South Sudan needs to be reformed early before it is too late otherwise its will remain more deformed than the Sudan.

It seems that those who had amended the Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan (ICOSS) 2005 hereinafter adopted as the ‘Transitional Constitution’, 2011 aimed at strengthening the Executive at the expense of the other arms of government such as the Legislature and the Judiciary.

Hence, the present Executive organ has become too powerful of all knowing institutions. This however has reduced the other organs like Legislature and Judiciary as rubber-stamping authorities thus negating the rule of law which depends on the doctrine of separation of powers.

The current more powers of the President enshrined in the Transitional Constitution need to be reduced in the next amendments if not discarded. This dictates in the eye of the law that the ruling elite did corrupt the constitution with the aim of consolidating their cling on power.

Indeed such a scenario lends credence to the notion of John Stuart Mill’s contention that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely (1860).

Conclusively, let the next permanent constitution be an essential element of nationhood. In other words, it must be an encompassing nature of a constitution that focuses on both the long and short term objectives of sustainable systems promoting human rights, accountability & transparency, leadership style, rule of law, stability and prosperity of all South Sudanese people.

Yes the constitution must therefore be the only embodiment of the political values that set forth the basic rules including the procedures of good governance.

Since South Sudan is a multi-party system of governance as its has more than 21 political parties, many political analysts viewed multi-partyism with a lot of skepticism.

But a renowned scholar known as Giovanni Sartori (1976:258) argued that “in Africa, multiparty exists only because no part is strong enough to eliminate its counterparts that are simply on account of a situation of powerlessness of piecemeal fragmentation of power…the African lack roots in multi-partyism. Instead of multipartyism, Africans reap multiplicity and internal division.”

In relevance to the above quotation, the presence scenario where leaders of the same ruling party SPLM end up criticizing themselves publicly has caused a deep internal division; and the inability of other political parties with their leaders to form a coalition party would suffice.

In other words, leaders from different political parties are unable to debate, discuss and clarify the national issues that concern the general public for one reason or another.

Furthermore, lack or absence of strong and efficient opposition political parties in the country to keep the ruling party SPLM in its toes not to go for sleep on government businesses is a major factor.

In fact the instability that South Sudanese people have witnessed thereof means that achieving certain policy of government’s objectives such as health services, improvement of poor infrastructure, creation of jobs or employment, water sanitation, education, and fight against corruption etc, remains a mirage country wide.

During this crisis which has mostly engulfed our country many people have commiserated with us, especially the people of Uganda, for instance the crucial role played by the UPDF in protecting Juba city from the white army belligerents in the corridors of Bor deserved to be appreciated.

Although there is a considerable impatience with the slow pace of political change as IGAD’s mediators are trying their best to install the deal, South Sudanese need an uneasy truce between the two warring parties.

The author is a Legal Practitioner who lives in Juba. Email him at emmademaker@yahoo.com

South Sudan: Kiir’s Dictatorial Leadership mixed with Tribalism

BY: Yien Lam, RSS, MAR/10/2014, SSN;

Since the helicopter crash that took the life of Dr. John Garang in 2005, South Sudan leadership slipped into autocratic way of governing, in which nobody knew about it but only party insiders.

This rivalry became intensified and burst into almost a full crisis in 2008 when the president was about to remove the general secretary and his vice-president at the same time as he just did in past July of 2013.

So, everything became tense within the party. When he saw how bad it was, he reinstated them into their positions in which resulted into running mate model in 2008.

At that point in time, things were loosely done in last eight years due to the president heeding not the advice given to him by his vice due to fiction within the party till the Vice president announced his intention to run for the SPLM leadership in May 2013.

As a matter of fact, this became the trigger of catastrophe that our country is facing today. It lighted all wires that the incompetent president and his likes may have reserved to get rid of Dr. Riek Machar and his group.

As the man began his dictatorial job, he started it off by heeding clandestine plan from his sycophants with the intention to eliminate top Nuers generals who were connected to the vice president.

He did so and then promoted his lower loyal officers in pretext of corruption in the military ranks.

In this matter, the President sidelined the supposed-to-be-promoted senior officers who were also deployed as well as retiring majority of them as planned.

As mentioned above, President promoted the lower officers to the heads of their Nuer comrades.

Intriguingly, as a result, the Kiir’s kin or loyal men who’re supposed to retire as expected by the public according to the president were instead promoted and given official jobs.

The sole examples of these are the current Inspection-General, Pieng Deng, as well as current governor of Lakes state, Matur Chut.

None of the Nuer senior officers within the same group were promoted. What does that mean to you as Southerners? Should the head of the family treat his kids like that?

If so, should the family as such continue to survive if its head acts as such? In my view, a family as such would earn the benefit of doubt if not total failure.

In my opinion, a head of family should treat everyone the same. Favoring one and deserting another would only create disunity within such family.

As a matter of fact, when the president saw there was no reaction as his sycophants have thought it should, he then stripped all the power that he initially gave him as his vice.

From that point on, the president had given the stripped portfolio known as National Reconciliations and Healings to Rev. Bishop Deng Bol.

If you carefully look at this assignment, it was not fair for the president to hand pick Rev. Deng Bol again because he in fact did not succeed in Jonglei state that he headed the same title between its communities.

In my view, however, this job should have been given to Chuol Rambang that he the president himself chose as Peace and Reconciliation Commission in South Sudan. Should that not be a reasonable person for it?

To me, it should. Because he needs his own way to control his opponent, he chose not to do so for the sake of peace.

Nonetheless, president did not stop there. He persistently postponed the SPLM Convention that was supposed to take place in May of 2013.

The dogged postponements were intended to know Pro- Machar supporters within the party in order to isolate them.

In a nutshell, in the party partial convention, the unheeded disagreement emerged when the president proposed and demanded show of hands voting as opposed to the secret ballot in convention.

He stressed that the voting process in the 3rd National Convention must be by show of hands which was undemocratic in nature as well as in principle.

But the president has demanded it anyway in order to know exactly who was on his side and who wasn’t. One cannot find this method of voting in any country in world.

The secret voting method is the only way around the world since its introduction in various countries in the globe.

But this seems not to be the case in kiir’s South Sudan. He wanted to change the meaning of secret ballot into his advantage. This was the breaking point for the man to be known openly by other within the party.

This step has changed him from the normal way of running democratic system to a terrible U turn. A person claiming to be democratically elected cannot demand such a thing when we are telling the truth.

Not only that, Kiir had also demanded the SPLM party to handpick at least 5% of delegations out of 100 from each ten states of South Sudan.

This was intended by kiir’s circle to give him a leeway to wield his absolute power on those who oppose him in the party.

However, kiir did not halt there as expected. He continues what his sycophants planned for him as to get right of Dr.Riek Machar in which they now secretly regretted even though I did not speak to them directly.

I know it. They did so by dissolving the whole government to prevaricate on the public while they purposely did it in order to get rid of Dr.Riek Machar.

In this sense though, Dr. Riek did not react as negatively as he could. He mistakenly thought democratic principles would work on his behalf, in which I truly doubt in Kiir’s South Sudan.

Finally, the kiir’s’ dictatorial last u-turn was the political bureau meeting in which did not go well. As the result of it, Kiir has planned to arrest those who were against him by all means.

Within that, kiir ordered his loyalists to disarm the Nuers soldiers within the integrating units of the SPLA within Republican guards as they call it and that was where the fight started and partially controlled.

The next day, Kiir did strategic mistake by declaring the curfew that led to the death of innocent Nuers on the 15th of December.

The death of all those innocents people happened because kiir and his likes were defeated politically by Dr. Riek Marchar’s team that was why he created the mess in wanting Machar to say something related to coup as he finally had it, and Machar was closely missed of being killed by the regime.

In this scenario, however, if 15th of December was a coup as his regime has portrayed on the media or not, what would be the reason for the government to kill only one ethnic group while there were Bari, shilluk, Dinkas and Nuers within Dr.Riek Machar’s Camp?

The answer is yours. Mine will sincerely be different with yours because if it was a coup or not, innocent Nuers would have not been killed either way.

To be candid though, they were killed simply because of their affiliation with Dr.Riek machar ethnically. That was it.

If that was not the case, Shilluk, Dinka and Bari civilians should have been killed if the definition of the coup has been changed from the military to the civilian as it’s done to the Nuers.

But because it was the smear tactic by the regime to isolate only one ethic group, that did not happen.

Moreover, to make things worse, kiir fused his dictatorial power with tribalism to solidify his tribal base in terms of an economic ascendancy.

Economic monopoly of President’s kin became a reality in South Sudan.

One could have asked him/herself why only kiir’s aggregate of his kin mainly in greater Bhar el Ghazal had whatever it takes to be prosperous than the other groups in the country?

Should that be their smartness than other groups in the country? This may muddle the minds of many. But it would not apply to most, me included because those of Bahr el Ghazal cannot outwit the rest of the country men.

It was because of their accessibility to the country resources due to the power invested in one person.

Not only economic prosperity, public media has been a weapon of choice by the president’s tribal men.

For instance, Malak Ayuen in public relations, Philip Aguer Panyang in military and Ateny Wek Ateny as the secretary of press. What does this tell you as the ordinary South Sudanese?

Do you think there are no others qualified individuals from other 63 tribes in South Sudan who could do such a job?

Finally, South Sudan today is idolizing or revering the people who did not contribute an effort to the cause as heroes because of the regime that heavily investing on the tribal base.

This is happening every day in front of our eyes. These included people like William Deng, Abel Alier, Santino Deng,Bullen Alier and countless other of the regime’s kin.

What did these names do than other South Sudanese? Be the judge and when you analytically look at those names, you will satisfy by yourself and be able to judge the truth.

These mentioned names are always being revered as heroes while sidelining the real heroes that most people know of, such as Joseph Oduho, Joseph Lagu, Both Dieu Samuel Gai Tut and countless others.

These Heroes are supposed to be honored in South Sudan plus theirs if they were fair. But it seems not to be the case in kiir’s nation that is intended to promote his kin rather than the Country’s heroes.

This has only been done by the regime whose power and tribalism had been mixed as the tool to twist the history of South Sudan which will not continue to happen in years to come.

The author is concerned South Sudanese and can be reached at Lam981@hotmail.com

Can South Sudan avoid the resource curse? Addis talks mark tipping point

BY: Emma Vickers, GLOBAL WITNESS, MAR/10/2014, SSN;

South Sudan, the heart of the East African oil boom, sits on a knife’s edge. The peace long promised to South Sudanese citizens threatens to disappear completely unless the negotiations in Addis Ababa bear the fruit of complete reform rather than sticking plaster fixes.

Reforming how the country’s oil is dealt with must be high up the agenda at the peace talks. South Sudan’s huge oil wealth has so far failed to translate into prosperity for the majority.

Instead, it has been an axis of instability in the country, culminating in the vicious battle for control of the oil fields in recent weeks.

Forging a lasting peace will be impossible unless leaders demonstrate to South Sudanese that this natural wealth will be managed openly, fairly and responsibly.

Allegations of corruption must be curtailed by making the oil sector fully transparent.

Giving civil society a voice at the peace talks must mark the first steps towards building a accountable democracy. And South Sudanese citizens living around the oilfields must see that their security is valued as much as the safety of the oilfields themselves.

South Sudan’s oil laws give citizens the right to know who gets the oil deal and what payments change hands. The laws have the potential to open the industry up to scrutiny, which is vital for South Sudan: it is the best way to combat corruption, build stability, and encourage responsible investment.

But one law hasn’t been signed off, while the other has yet to be implemented, so the government’s commitment to transparency remains largely unproven.

For South Sudanese citizens, the absence of concrete information about the country’s oil earnings has raised questions about how the millions of dollars received since independence are being used right now.

These doubts are not helping to hold South Sudan’s fragile social fabric together. Perceptions of pervasive government corruption are invariably understood through the same filters that have triggered violence in this conflict: political affiliation and ethnicity.

The conflict has also exposed the precariousness of livelihoods in the world’s youngest country, adding weight to suspicions that the elite have prospered at the expense of ordinary South Sudanese.

The peace process offers an opportunity for South Sudanese leaders to begin mending the holes, but to do so, they must prove that they are serious about turning strong words into real action.

The Government of South Sudan must make tangible commitments to implementing oil laws immediately, while aid donors should use their influence to ensure legislation is not endlessly delayed.

Both must ensure that discussions around oil management include governors from the oil producing states, committing them to anti-corruption measures too.

For peace to last, civil society must be able to actively participate in an open and inclusive government. Good oil laws are only one piece of the puzzle here.

There is little meaning in providing citizens with information if they can’t use it to hold their leaders to account.

Reports of harassment and intimidation of campaigners and journalists by security forces, constant since independence, have spiked during the recent conflict and threaten to choke the fledgling democracy.

There must be a line in the sand drawn: durable peace for South Sudan demands durable freedoms for South Sudanese.

The peace process has been billed as an all-inclusive affair. Those in charge could lay the foundations of a true democracy, in opening the door to diverse voices in the conversation about South Sudan’s future.

However, citizen participation must be credible, and negotiators must avoid the pitfalls of tokenism. Groups must be representative of the whole of the South Sudanese population and feel free to lend their opinions without negative repercussions.

In short, the negotiations should mark a departure from the modus operandi of South Sudanese politics until now.

Finally, the South Sudanese government must prioritise the security of civilians alongside that of the oilfields.

Fighting has been fierce in the oil states of Unity and Upper Nile, and abuses by government forces widespread, leaving thousands of survivors destitute and vulnerable.

Heavy-handed control by an influx of military forces poses a huge risk to local populations, including further human rights violations, displacement and, ultimately, more instability.

Commitments to better military discipline, starting in the heavily militarised oil states, must be made at the talks. At the very least, the government should thoroughly vet any additional troops to be sent to Unity and Upper Nile.

Citizens must trust that SPLA in their communities are not the perpetrators of abuses reported elsewhere.

Oil companies must also step up to the plate, ensuring that that the security of their operations does not come at the expense of the security of local communities.

South Sudan’s leaders have the opportunity in Addis to deliver the peace and prosperity they have promised the country’s citizens. This chance must be seized.

ENDS//

Emma Vickers
Sudan and South Sudan campaign
Global Witness
Mobile: +44 (0)7715 076 548
Direct: +44 (0)207 492 5838
Juba: +211 (0)954 686 170
Twitter: @EmmaVickersGW
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Nominated for the 2003 Nobel Peace Prize, Global Witness is an international NGO campaigning to prevent natural resource-related conflict and corruption.

If SPLA Collapses, South Sudan will go down with it

BY: Morris Kuol Yoll, ALBERTA, CANADA, MAR/09/2014,

If you have seen the Sudan People Liberation Army’s forces running in disarray, in an ambush while marching to retake Town of Bor from rebels, your question would’ve been: what has happened to the mighty SPLA forces that defeated the Sudanese Army, the SPLA which forced the regime of Omar Hassan el Bashir to accept peaceful solution to the Sudan’s civil war, and the SPLA that did not waver in confronting odds in pursuit of South Sudan’s freedom from vicious Sudanese armed forces?

Twice, the SPLA lost Bor town to combinations of defected army and ill-trained White Army civilians coerced into fighting government troops. In Malakal, the story is even the same or worst.

The Sudan People Liberation Army’s troops were forced to retreat from the city, three times, by the White Army militias, leaving civilians to be slaughtered in Hospitals and properties, both government and private, looted and destroyed.

Subsequently, various rebels’ victories over the SPLA forces are unrelenting in Jonglei and Upper Nile states.

Several opinions indicate that the SPLA has been weakened. It is heartbreaking to see an army once known for its gallantry and decisive fearsome victories, during liberation struggle, falling apart.

It is obvious; the SPLA has failed, making many people to question its strength and capability to defeat current rebellion that emanated from failed coup attempt.

Clearly, lack of training, discipline, tribalism, corruption and politics have affected the SPLA.

After civil war, it was expected that the SPLA would be well trained and equipped.

Sadly, after December 15th coup attempt, the SPLA appeared weaker than when it was a rebellion army. It is troublesome to fathom a weak national army in time of need.

The unfortunate event of December 15th has unveiled weakness and incompetence about the SPLA that is bothersome.

With Abyei issue unsettled, various territories in dispute with the Sudan and boundary demarcation yet to be settled, it’s obvious that the Sudanese regime would never agree to peaceful settlement of anything knowing that South Sudan is a weak state, militarily.

Indeed, the Sudan will sooner or later support missiyieria tribes to attack or grasp more South Sudan’s land along its border or support rebellion in South Sudan to impede peaceful settlement of outstanding issues between it and South Sudan.

Unquestionably, South Sudan would collapse if the SPLA is weak to battle both internal and external aggression.

Seriously, military leaders of the SPLA should use December 15th incident to immediately address its deficiencies. SPLA) is the army of South Sudan as stipulated by the Constitution.

The SPLM Constitution envisaged the post-war SPLA to be a non-partisan, patriotic, nationalistic, professional, disciplined, and productive and subordinated to the political wing; destined as principal military instrument of the New Sudan liberation.

The SPLA didn’t exhibit any. If anything, the SPLA inclined to division along tribal loyalty and affiliation, which weakened its stand to fight.

Killing of unarmed civilians on December 15th and defection along tribal lines attest to undisciplined and untrained national army.

Irrefutably, South Sudan has, at its disposal, enough man power to build a strong, formidable army.

Nevertheless, an army is not about the number but training and discipline, it got, makes the army.

In fact, many factors necessary to retaining the SPLA conspicuously presented themselves after the war was over. But surprisingly, these factors were not capitalized on or taken seriously by both the SPLM/A leadership to rejuvenate its ailing army.

The SPLA was over twenty years old when the peace agreement was brokered with the Sudanese regime.

Logically, it should have been explicit that much of the SPLA force was old or getting old and exhausted by war to justify revitalization.

Hence, after peace agreement, a committed new generation of military recruits should have been recommended to replace an old army.

Most importantly, in leadership concern, retaining old SPLA officers and commanders that would lead a retained SPLA conventional national army should have been a requisite.

Indeed, a group of trained officers with national objectives would set a course of rebuilding a future, mechanized, well trained national army.

Not the least, in a tribalized, illiterate military setting, a few trained officers would cast some wisdom and light on importance of committing to a military line of duty regardless of tribal sentiments in the military.

Secondly, illiteracy was [is] very high in the SPLA. Nearly 90% of the SPLA men and women are illiterate.

An effective, modern army requires education to make it more productive, practical and effective in realizing its role and allegiance to the nation and in executing its missions and objectives.

Educating the SPLA was not realized after peace agreement, but left to naturally take its cause.

Thirdly, the SPLA absorbed various untrained and tribally oriented militias, immediately after peace agreement was signed, and the result of that mistake was also pronounced by December 15th mutinies and defections along tribal line that ensued.

Fourthly, with war fatigue, it was comprehensible that a sizable portion of the SPLA force would resign from military into various duties comprising retirement, civil service, personal business, etc.

This was later the case, and by 2009, it was apparent, and reported, that 75% of the SPLA forces were combinations of incorporated militias and new recruits that joined the SPLA after the peace agreement was signed.

Even though the number of the SPLA swelled, in total, to about 150,000 or more, it was evident that without proper replacement, it became dominated by former militia forces dominance, which in turn created disloyalty and vacuum that is now haunting the SPLA as a national army.

As of recent, South Sudan Government official admitted huge number, about [10,000-20,000], defection of former militia soldiers to fight for opposition and 65-70% is feared to defect in total.

Tribal loyalty has cost the SPLA immensely. It has coerced even most loyal SPLA officers and commanders into joining their kin and kith and selling the SPLA’S tactics, military knowledge and experiences to disloyal, now tribal oriented forces, fighting against the SPLA and the government after December 15th.

Fifthly, from many fronts, and particularly tribalism in the military, the SPLA appears near annihilation.

Unfortunately, the SPLA is profiled as a DINKA and NUER dominated army which created negative sentiments and fear that would make it difficult to adjust the army to meet national objectives without triggering turbulence.

Though such prognosis has truth elements in it, the circumstance that led to such imbalance and dominance were [are] not critically and objectively looked at with intent to reform and modernize the SPLA to meet criterion of an inclusive national army rather than negative propaganda to discredit and destroy the military.

Initially, during liberation struggle, it was a known fact that the SPLA formed on voluntary basis. It occurred that DINKAS and NUERS turned out in huge numbers and formed a core base for the Sudanese people Liberation Army during the years of struggle.

Such dominance was not designed nor planned, but it led into an imbalance that could not, at the time, be rejected since a huge army, regardless of the tribe, was required as an instrument to attain the liberation of people.

However, after liberation was achieved and nation building demands necessary adjustment in the military to conform to the ruling system of the country, such imbalance in the SPLA should have been corrected or stand to be corrected to meet the objectives and demands for building an inclusive national army without jeopardizing or stereotyping the integrity of the army.

It requires studied policy and plan, both short and long term, to scale down and promote the army until the objective of forming an inclusive national army is achieved to satisfaction of the system and all [regions] in the country.

Sixth, though it was a noble plan to make peace with tribal militias to attain harmony in the country, the assimilation should not be viewed as a bad idea to achieve stability in the country.

Nevertheless, after integration, these militia forces should have had training and security scrutiny in order to meet national army requirements.

This failure left militia forces in a tribal euphoria, viewing their role as forces loyal to their respective tribes, with negative resultant disloyalty manifested in defection after December 15th.

Yet, tribalism in the SPLA could potentially lead to the collapse of the army and the nation if not decisively addressed because December 15th incident has alienated the integrity of the military.

On one hand, corruption in the SPLA is another culprit that had impacted its effectiveness and positive role.

After peace agreement, the SPLA men & women were put on military payroll. But preposterously, elements in the military deployed use of ghost names to swindle from military budget.

This unpatriotic act allowed corruption to throttle national army. Many ghost names made it into military payroll, while over ranking number of military officers and commanders increased as well.

The ghost’s names used became lucrative business as money goes directly to networks of commanding officers and commanders.

Besides, high ranking serves as means of doubling salaries. In conjunction, these practices created corruption in the military that deprive soldiers of receiving their salaries on time due to money shortage, and as well had impeded developing professional military norms.

In fact, some soldiers are said to have several times been out-rightly denied receiving their salaries making some soldiers to quit service or do military as part time work while engaging in doing personal businesses to survive.

Moreover, politics have also affected the SPLA. The SPLA affiliation to the SPLM has adverse effect on the military since seniors commanders are presented as politicians than army commanders, when the SPLM constitution declared the SPLA as a subordinated military wing to the SPLM political leadership.

In the past eight (8) years, loyal SPLA military commanders turned governors, ministers, and commissioners depriving the army of its needed leadership when senior and experienced military commanders should have stayed in the army to develop national army.

Indeed, after South Sudan gained its independence, military colleges should have been opened and senior military personnel, active and retired, made to teach and train the army in military academies.

Since South Sudan is independent, the SPLA should be developed as an independent institution, loyal to all political parties in the country.

The viability and survival of South Sudan as an independent nation depends on the strength of the SPLA. If the SPLA’S integrity is affected by politics or the SPLA divides along tribal line, as is now the case, then South Sudan, as nation, is weakened and would not, surely, withstand.

So far we’ve clearly seen Uganda’s military playing critical role in defending South Sudan’s sovereignty.

Then ridiculously, the Sudan government has volunteered to send in its military to help in protecting South Sudan’s oil fields, a trick or pretext that would possibly allow Bashir, in future, should things turn to worst and South Sudan unable to protect its oil production, to occupy South Sudan rich-oil land legitimately if allowed, because the Sudan has its interest at stake.

And not the least, South Sudan government has revealed its weakness more by asking for IGAD’S military backing to protect its oil fields and oil installations; when the UN forces are invited into the country and are currently doing what only God knows.

In fact, vulnerability exhibited by South Sudan, as a country with vast, rich natural resources, has now prompted forces of doom and darkness to orchestrate regional war in South Sudan to justify their selfish aim.

South Sudan government and the SPLA, as a defence force of our sovereignty, have to wake up and reform to avert looming doom that is threatening the nation.

Allowing foreign forces, whether be it the UN forces or ally army, in form of Uganda forces, to converge in the country is NOT to the best interest of South Sudan and its people.

Unfortunately, foreign intervention to rescue the nation and the UN forces present to protect citizens had already occurred in our watch. This is shameful!

The government of South Sudan and the SPLA should immediately stop both external and internal fueling of South Sudan’s conflict in pretext that South Sudan is weak to protect its sovereignty, people or interest.

Specifically, South Sudan government and the SPLA leadership should consider building strong army, free of tribalism and political influences, to decisively fight and defeat its rebellions without foreign assistance and as well protect its oil production and any other interest with no foreign help.

South Sudan government, its political leaders, and above all its national army, the SPLA, should be conscious of invaluable resources that South Sudan possesses.

From oil and gas, arable agricultural land, minerals, water, etc., South Sudan is an envy of both friends and foes. Our limitless resources attract both foes and friends of depraved intention to the country, but to satisfy their insatiable greed of acquiring wealth.

Our vast resources are our problem that needs strong military to fence off adversaries.

Vehemently, I call for our leaderships, both the government and the SPLA, to step up in reforming and rebuilding the army to safeguard our sovereignty and interest.

To achieve this, requires both leaderships to get rid of tribalism, corruption, politics and illiteracy in the military in order to build an inclusive, effective, strong military force that will not waver in defending country from internal or external aggression. SPLA OYEE!

Morris Kuol Yoll is a concerned South Sudanese Canadian residing in Alberta Canada. He could be reach at: myoll2002@yahoo.com.

The Complexity of Tribalism & Politico-ethnic South Sudan!

BY: Deng Mangok Ayuel, AWEIL, South Sudan, MAR/07/2014, SSN;

But where are all these values – pride, democracy, nationalism and console of being South Sudanese in the new nation? People fought for decades in order to be free, yet another prophet of doom within and power hungry politicians in the country have had opted to rebellion after they confused themselves within their party.

These leaders promised us a prosperity and democratic South Sudan but where is it now? Republic of Coup Attempts where innocently people are easily killed based on their ethnicities?

We decided to secede from Sudan due to injustice, bad governance and marginalization done by Arabs and Khartoum regime. Are we able to live peacefully as South Sudanese?

How do you feel as leaders when ordinary citizens escaped brutality in Malakal, Bor and Bentiu, and ran to Kenya or Uganda for safety?

There is very little hope for peace in the new nation. If our leaders can’t give their pathetic political styles of handling problems a pause, it will cause and cause us lives and time to be peaceful and democrats in our country.

On the contrary, politics in South Sudan is seemingly rooted on ethnic dimension and military which make it difficult and challenging for warring parties to table their differences.

When the conflict is centered on the ethnicities, it is difficult to internalize or externalize the issue for lasting solution. You see, people are fighting, while mediators are willingly trying to end the conflict.

In war, there is a loser and winner but the innocent people are the sufferers. Our people need food, clean water, good schools and health facilities, not war.

With the mess this country is in, I think the only way to turn things to normal is an interim government with President Kiir as the head of the state.

The formation of interim government, reconciliation within the SPLM, national healing and reformation of the SPLM, with fair political participation of its members, among others shall end the war in the country, believe me, comrades.

South Sudan is a country of generational credit. We shouldn’t allow it to be ethicized by the likes of Dr Machar, Lado Gore and Taban Deng.

In the midst of poverty, South Sudanese ruling class, or the elite group who were/are powerful, have enriched themselves and began power-mongering game in the same room.

As one of the contending elites mobilized his ethnic group to fight against the government, it is clear that he needs political change in some case to alleviate demands for power laddering which is the issue of his rebellion.

Will Dr Machar make it a president in South Sudan?

There is no need for war. Many people lost lives and homes. Who will pay for the destroyed homes? Who will pay for lives lost? It’s time for community leaders to take their country back by persuading the youths on the rebels’ side to put down guns.

This country has become weaker and weaker, and all of us are part of the problem.

After sunset, millions of South Sudanese sit down in front of television sets or grabbed radios to witness how politicians mix up things on SSTV in order to recuperate politically after Dr Machar’s failed coup attempt.

It’s not Juba politicians who are the only ones jumbling, our youths with tribal mindsets, who are fighting tribal war and jobless intellectuals – mostly in the West are among those contributing to the failure of the new nation.

Call me a liar if Dinka people weren’t killed in Malakal, Bor and Bentiu … if Nuers weren’t kill in Juba where the violence started in the first days of a failed coup attempt.

If you are among those affected by war directly or indirectly, then I mourned with you. War is bad and we shouldn’t support those killing our people on both sides.

Millions of lives were lost in the decades of civil war. We should stop killing each other now.

Everyone is afraid of offending anyone but can we stop correcting our wrong deeds? If we stop correcting ourselves, we may not change at all. We may not find solution to our problems.

The greater Upper Nile’s Nuers thought they are fighting Dinka government which is a mere deception. There is no Dinka government or tribal government in the world.

Their ethnocentric is what made political crises so difficult to be solved. Tribal implication and individualistic loyalty can kill a nation. The youths should unite as South Sudanese and denounce a senseless war caused by Dr Machar.

There is no need to die for no cause! As those who fight fire with fire end up with ashes, the government should find amicable solution to end the war for the sake of South Sudanese. Who wants to go to The Hague?

Tribalism carries pessimistic implications in contemporary South Sudan or refers to serious national problems associated with ethnic divisions, but days of tribalism are gone.

It’s time for change. The Nuer shouldn’t be targeted by the government if one of their sons wages war against the government of South Sudan.

Likewise, Dinka as a tribe shouldn’t be hated because of few people in Northern Bahr el Ghazal, Warrap, Lakes and Jonglei states. The Bari land shouldn’t be grabbed or Bari shouldn’t tribalize their land. It’s time for South Sudanese to avoid tribal thinking.

Ethnicity is a disease of the elites, and the citizens should denounce it, since they are the ones dying in huge number.

South Sudan is the young nation in Africa, known to the world for its natural resources, rich cultures, but politics, governance have been bedeviled by corruption and bitter ethnic rivalries, often exploding into widespread sadism since a failed coup attempt in December 15th, 2013.

In a country where the youth unemployment rate is alarming, citizens are suffering, there are many beggars, lack of health care facilities and poverty has become a ‘tradition’, high crime rate and burglars and while national resources privatized, tribalized for the benefit of individuals, then problems may emerge from the blues.

For instance, Juba has been rocked by criminals who killed and looted resources from people at night. So our security should strategize to fight crime rate in the country.

Or better still, what then is tribalism and ethnicity? These two enemies are different but share very close sphere.

According to the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary 7th edition, Tribalism is defined as behavior, attitudes, etc. that are based on being loyal to a tribe or other social group, while Ethnicity is defined as belonging to a particular race, group of people with the same cultural tradition.

These two have long been harmonizing themselves to cause disputes among ourselves, and of course, political, economic and social problems.

And with these tribal and ethnic mindsets, South Sudan shall be relegated to the position of ‘no growth with limited freedom’. In other countries around the world, people hardly identify themselves by their tribes or ethnicity, but their countries.

For instance, an American when asked of his country will not give such a wrong answer as ‘I am from Ohio or Philadelphia’, but the answer will be that ‘I am an American’.

The same thing with British, French and many more and these are signals that the leaders, even if they are conscious of their ethnic or tribal affiliations, embrace first the national values than ethnicities. Can we cease from old doings and start fresh again? Bad beginning makes happy ending.

These enemies called tribalism and ethnicity have been dispossessing South Sudan for years, at the national prospect and must be discouraged, if not, the country will continue to sink, while smaller countries in Africa will appear consistently on the flags of sustainable development.

All in all, Dr Machar became the father of politico-ethnic and tribalism in South Sudan.

The coexistence of some ethnic groups is gloomed to be easily repaired in the country. This doesn’t mean that people can’t live together but memories of violence are inevitable issues that need attention and collective thoughts, neutral voices to repair broken hearts.

The National Crises Management Committee {NCMC} should conceptualize social interactions, individualistic counseling to people whose loved ones, friends were lost in the crises from any ethnic group.

The committee members are urged to educate people on the importance of peace and ethnical coexistence, in relation to politico-ethnic characters within the crises.

With the aforementioned of conflict management and peace building, NCMC’s approaches and strategies should mainly focus on great Upper Nile and Bahr el Ghazal regions.

These regions are inhabited by the two major ethnic groups alleged to have been involved in the political crises, especially the Nuers with Ngundeng prophesy and ethnocentrism.

A major cause of African conflicts has been ethnicity, and it has continued to be so. The creation of new nation-states at the time of independence was accompanied urgent calls for nation-building by the new African leaders who were well aware of the difficulty in transcending African ethnic and regional loyalties.

The European concept of a nation was exported to Africa. Stephen McCarthy’s definition of a nation as ‘a complex web of common cultural, social and economic interests among people, leading to a sense that what they share in common is greater than their regional, tribal or other differences’ simply reflects features which many African states did not encompass.

Deng Mangok Ayuel lives in Aweil, South Sudan and blogs at theshoeshinereyes.wordpress.com. He is also reachable via mangokson@gmail.com

Power Sharing & the prospect of Future Genocide in South Sudan

BY: Mark Mayen Ater, NAIROBI, KENYA, MAR/07/2014, SSN;

The echoing of power sharing by IGAD negotiation mediators as the new incentives for prospect of signing peace agreement opened new frontiers for exploring how a coalition government can really bring peace in South Sudan.

It is not a new thing since the days of liberation, interim period with government of Sudan and after independence.

President Kiir has extended this so called power sharing from the global stage and embodied to bring in many militia groups that were fighting the SPLA during liberation days.

He modified coalition government from inclusive government that brought in Dr. Riek factions to SPLM/A leadership and sharing power in transition period with the Government of Sudan to a military-sharing strategy to appease rebel militias.

Just as it is being sung now, the so called “Cabinet sharing” or “Military sharing” has been a short-term solution to crisis but does it put into account the dilemmas of implementing such arrangement after civil war, does it put into account the measures to prevent future rebellions or does it bring communities together?

The answers are broad but my concern is whether this new round of grand Coalition can really be a transition to full democracy or a creation of beasts that might perpetuate a worse genocide in the near future.

To remind the reader briefly, the 1991 ethnic cleansing masterminded by Dr. Riek was stopped, though to some extent military might counts, through power sharing but instead of lasting peace it brought a new round of conflict.

Hence, the short term motives for adopting power sharing may contradicts the long term intentions to bring lasting peace among communities and promote democracy.

In South Sudan today, the government is the only actor in allocating resources and providing security, on the other side, the private sector is small in size and mostly rely on government contracts.

The rebel groups perhaps feel it is crucial for them to be part of the government and to be shun out of the cabinet or other decision making bodies is to be unable to protect their tribes against exploitation, even victimization.

This shared believe has led many tribe based warlords to mobilized as many of their tribesmen as possible, killed civilian and SPLA soldiers and later negotiate for proportional role in the army and political center.

Even if all is to be ignored and compromise is reached, more implications may arise on how power should be shared and how long the coalition government may last.

The power sharing package presented in Addis Ababa is between the SPLM warring factions but it must also include other opposition’s parties.

A compromise may be reached to share power by using DRC model where the president and different rebels group signed a power sharing government in April 2, 2003. Kabilla would retain his post and assisted by four vice presidents.

The inclusive government sought to end fighting but, thought it did reduce fighting, the government never remains stable.

In August 2004, one of the parties to the agreement suspended his party members from participating and threatened fresh war.

South Sudan model may not be exactly like the one of DRC that collapsed but despite how best it would be, it must one day reach its peak and fresh beginning has to be made.

A full or partial breakdown of this coalition government may lead to ethnic cleansing far severer to what happened in 1991 and 2013.

With leaders that can compromise anything for power, it is likely that some of them may continue to recruit tribal extremist to remain on standby for future forceful option while they continue to pretend to do the national agenda.

In Rwanda for example, the external mediation reached a deal to create institutions to share power between Juvenal Habyarimana’s Hutu-led Movement Revolutionair Pour le Developpement(MRND) and the Tustsi-led Rwanda Patriotic Front(RPF) as well as various opposition parties in 1991.

Power was perfectly distributed between these tribal led parties as well other moderate opposition parties. This was seen as a major shift in conflict resolution but soon enough in 1992, Habyarimana lashed out protocols and called upon militia for continue backing.

The perception of changing balance of power resulted into heightened tension especially among the Hutus resulting to a sense of exclusion and hence made a fateful decision to plan genocide in 1993.

The negotiation team may learned from the experience of Rwanda and come up with a new model suitable for our condition but lack of commitment and good will might as well be a critical issue in implementation of coalition government.

If peace agreements were to be believe as binding principles between former belligerents, they requires trust in all side.

This means each party involved in Addis Ababa as well as all opposition parties lead in reconciliation efforts.

In theory all parties will gain by maintaining peace and abiding with the agreement.in practice, however, majority groups leaders cannot credibly commit by the bargain in the future.

Despite amnesties granted to some of the leaders before, most of them have joint current rebel movement and may come with Dr. Riek or continue with their own operations.

This inability to commit to agreements may make power sharing a breathing ground for future genocide.

Nevertheless, coalition government can be handicapped by lack of shared norms and aspirations.

Polarized and hostile perception that natured civil war may not be transformed by power sharing arrangement to tolerance and harmonious perception.

The coalition government may continue to preserve separate identities of belligerents and include them in the political center which will just assures limited compromises but not serious decisions to solve problems.

Political survival of some political leaders depends on their ability to instigate and maintain hostilities between communities. These leaders will hardly commit to secularization of the society.

The harmony of armed rebellion and coalition government will have to continue as aspirations of leaders continue to differ.

The next election might be concluded with allegations of rigging hence opening fresh ground for the new cycle of violence.

Power sharing proposal put in place might be a solution to short term crisis but it is not liable for long term solution.

Coalition government may be a solution to the current crisis and bring about equitable and fair representation in the cabinet but will it prepare citizens for national identity.

The example of Rwanda and DRC led to more conflict under perceived need for more power through violence and its subsequent power sharing.

The elite’s concession to inclusive government is basically derived by their satisfaction on the incentives of power sharing and subsequent economic and social security benefits hence making it impossible for serious issues to be solved.

The most crucial issues are:
-the inability of our leaders to work as truly unified government and overcome the persistent atmosphere of distrust;
-the inability of our leaders to work towards national peace;
-the inability of our leaders to avoid tribal affiliations and avoid future conflict;
-the inability of our leaders to improves the lives of common citizens;
-the inability of militia warlords involved to commit to peace agreement and avoid repeated rebellion;
-the inability of the coalition government to be real inclusive; the inability of coalition government to provide justice for the victims and above all, the inability of the coalition government to organize peaceful elections and avoid genocide after the interim period.

The author is an independent writer and currently based in Nairobi Kenya.
E-mail: thongdhang@gmail.com , aterditson@yahoo.com

Kiir & the art of changing scapegoats & manufacturing crises

BY: Justin Ambago Ramba, UK, MAR/07/2014, SSN;

There are THREE major events this week that are likely to reshape the trends of future dispensations and any other possible solutions and interventions in South Sudan’s Crises.

Bewilderingly as it is, all three without the least element of doubt stand tall to invariably speak of how a true military coup is still a likely possibility to take place in Juba. Other dramatic things that cannot be named now can also happen!

First is the clumsy suggestion that the embattled President SKM (Salva Kiir Mayardit) has formed a certain committee of EIGHT SPLM food lovers to start another SPLM Political Bureau meeting in Addis Ababa!

Well today the SPLM rebels have replied that they no longer take orders from SKM or any dinkocrat for that matter.

With this response, this point is now out of being an option, plus the so—called SPLM Political Bureau, to borrow the words of General Idi Amin Dada, is now a “PAST TENSE”.

Second point was the fighting that broke out in Juba’s Military Barracks of GIYADA on 5th March, 2014. Although it was indeed over the payment of salaries, however it has nothing to do with NUER fellows, former SPLA soldiers or just civilians, who are now three months stuck in the UN compound in Tongping.

They [Nuer refugees in Tongping -UNIMISS] would rather die inside that compound than venture out for a handful of South Sudanese Pounds knowing very well that the dinkocrats in Juba will want to see them dead than alive.

Who in their right state of mind would do such a risky thing? And if they could, then why wait all these three months?

The truth has now come out and the deadly clashes were indeed sparked by disputes over the preferential treatment of the UPDF mercenaries and SKM’s private tribal fighters who are paid more and in dollars, given rations and taken good care of.

On the other hand these Nuer soldiers and others from other ethnic groups who continue to fight on the side of the Juba government continue to receive unsteady payments, of course in the much depreciated local currency plus being not only neglected but are even starving due to lack of rations.

This was seen to be long coming scenario from day one the moment General Kuol Manyang Juk, the dinkocrat Minister Defence announced that Juba was footing the bills for the UPDF and paying over 100 per head/ day in US dollars.

The third point is to do with the repeated confrontations between SKM government and the UNIMISS Peacekeepers in the country.

On more than one occasion SKM and his spokesperson a Warrapian like himself, have both accused the UNIMISS of not only favouring the rebels of Dr. RMTD (Riek Machar), but were in fact suspected of giving the rebels both military and logistical supplies.

The latest in this chain of accusations was the revelation by the Lakes State authorities that government security agents have successfully held down a convoy of UNIMISS tracts loaded with heavy machine guns, ammunition and blankets all destined for Dr. RMTD rebels in Unity State.

Whichever way this latest ‘finger pointing’ is going to evolve, I for one just love it. If Kiir can get himself into a damaging confrontation with the UN Security Council, I will love it. If he can get himself into all kinds of mess with the US administration, I will love it too.

I will love anything that can make him a rogue in the eyes of the international community. And why not, after all I want to see him out of office today before tomorrow!

If you had followed how the dinkocrats in Juba have always survived by finding scapegoats for all their short comings, you will not fail to see why UNIMISS is now being constantly projected by President SKM as if it represents the bad guys.

In the past the Juba dinkocrats had always blamed the Northern Sudanese “Jallaba” for all the ills that happened in South Sudan from corruption, to tribalism to lack of discipline in their SPLA tribal militias etc….

Today unsurprisingly it has come to be the UNIMISS Peacekeepers. This is not to say the “Jallaba” are no longer being blamed.

However something very central has changed with the dinkocrats. Pagan Amum a dinkocrat by adoption was so brilliant and was a perfect guy in that role of putting blames on others.

Unfortunately as destined to seal the fate of dinkocracy in South Sudan, Warrapism has changed most of the laid down principles of orthodox dinkocracy and now Pagan Amum is languishing in jail, perceived an enemy.

The new fellow none other than Ateny Wek Ateny [AWA], although trained in the “blame game”, obviously lacks the charisma with which his predecessor used to perfect the role.

Maybe there is a lesson or two for the dinkocrats to learn here. Having long fingers doesn’t necessarily qualify someone to perfect the game of “finger pointing”! That’s why sometimes it’s referred to as the game of trading accusations.

And to qualify for a good trader one must have a certain degree of wit, this too is nowhere to found in neither President SKM nor his spokesperson AWA. Don’t even talk about the Vice President or the Presidential advisor on legal affairs for this matter.

When President SKM was described by his long time colleagues as a vision-less and directionless leader, I first thought it was an over-statement.

No wonder these guys refused to withdraw their statements and some of them have even chosen to languish in the regime’s detentions or return to the rough bush life and restart another wave of rebellion.

Whatever they said about their party chairman is indeed the truth. Otherwise given the current sequence of events one is even tempted to regard it as an understatement, for this president is by all counts more irrelevant now as a leader than in any time ever before.

Dr. Justin Ambago Ramba. He can reached at : Justinramba@doctors.net.uk