Archive for: January 2014

What will the SOUTH SUDAN TALKS produce?

BY: Owiri Angelo De Orubo, Hawassa, ETHIOPIA, JAN/07/2014, SSN;

As many of the people of the Republic of South Sudan have been on alert of what specifically the current talks taking place in Addis Ababa would produce, the negotiators of the talks from both sides are already holding what should sound as ‘war cessation’ to the current dilemma in the world’s youngest nation.

The major issues or agendas to be discussed have already been approved but what could it be? Ceasing war against civilians of course, but the question remains in the minds of the intellectuals over what would come after the ceasefire, will they surely come back to their normal lives?

Of-course, all the people of South Sudan know that the war that started earlier December last year is rewriting what had happened in the past, 1991, between the late Dr. John Garang De Mabior and Riek Machar Teny, which is thought to be repeating itself with Salva Kiir Mayardit.

Releasing prisoners

On Sunday, Ethiopian government spokesman Getachew Reda said IGAD, the East African regional bloc brokering the talks, was trying to convince South Sudan’s government to release 11 detainees, many of them former senior government officials.

Reda said it was important “for the government of South Sudan to go the extra mile as a goodwill gesture.”

“The prisoners can have their day in court, but IGAD could expedite the process — one suggestion is bailing out and transferring the detainees to IGAD’s custody,” he said.

But the spokesman for South Sudan’s government delegation, Information Minister Michael Makuei, rejected the proposal, instead blaming former Vice President Machar of starting the fighting with an attempted coup.

“His attempt to overthrow a democratically elected government is an established fact,” Makuei said.

“We are being told to negotiate with the rebels. But any rebels who have fallen in our hands will have to answer why he or she decided to take up arms against a democratically elected government,” he added.

Fighting continues

Meanwhile, fighting continued in the oil-producing Unity and Upper Nile states in the north on Sunday.

Army spokesman Philip Aguer said that government forces were advancing on the two state capitals of Bentiu and Malakal, currently in rebel hands, and that troops were preparing to retake Bor, capital of Jonglei.

Fighting also broke out in the South Sudanese capital Juba late on Saturday, with exchanges of gunfire heard coming from a district in the south of the city. Calm returned in the early hours of the morning.

The fighting caused more Juba residents to try to move south to Uganda, adding to the nearly 200,000 people who have already been displaced by three weeks of conflict.

UN peacekeeping bases have also been overwhelmed with civilians seeking shelter, many of them fleeing ethnic violence pitting Kiir’s Dinka community against Machar’s Nuer tribe.

Now that the president of the Republic of South Sudan does not want to release the detained prisoners and that the war can not stop according to the rebel leader, Dr. Riek Machar Teny, what would be of significance in this talks?

It sounds like there’s no one among them who wishes the matter to be settled because one might think that he’s defeated for him to give up the fight, which is not absolutely the case but both of them should know that there’s ”NO PEACE WITHOUT COMPROMISE” and that as they continue fighting or advancing to the towns which are filled with people, then they can easily destroy the population they wish to lead and have been fighting for their freedom as claimed by the rebels.

I would therefore say that, both Riek Machar and Salva Kiir Mayadit should come down and understand themselves, understand the vision, policies for leading the youngest nation into developing ideas and provide equal services to the population rather than fighting the chair that’s egoistically filled with interests, so that this country could have an understanding people in the generations to come.


Policy-Making, Governance and Fanatical Tribo-nationalism

BY: Kuir ë Garang, Calgary, CANADA, JAN/07/2014, SSN;

There are two things that should make us gravely concerned. When this crisis is all over, we’ll still be governed (ruled actually) by the same leaders, who brought us into the heat of this crisis. And the gravest of all worries for South Sudan is that the young generation has taken after the old tribal dirt. (Watch my Video message to young people in Diaspora)

If young and educated people, 15 – 40, rally around their tribal, conceptual supremacy and only talk about atrocities committed against their kins folks, then you know South Sudan present state has been destroyed and its future is a destruction waiting to happen.

Something has to seriously change!
Sadly, at the end of this crisis, South Sudan will remain the way it was before the war started. Some optimistic South Sudanese would say that this crisis will change South Sudan forever, for better.

We have to remember that South Sudanese only got what I can call a conceptual independence. The substance of independence and liberation fruits were only restricted to politicians, their relatives, friends and foreigners.

Average South Sudanese were left in the cold and even treated like dirt (second class citizens) in their own country. There were reports of Ethiopian, Kenyan, Somali and Indian businesses employing their fellow nationals as South Sudanese youth remained unemployed.

So how can we get out of this crisis? Not an easy question to answer and not an easy process when the crisis is all over.

Ministry of Tribal Affairs or Directorate of Tribal affairs:
South Sudan is a country of tribal nationalities. This is a basic and bitter reality we have to deal with. For centuries, this has been the case and will continue to be so. We can’t change tribal realities but we can change tribal mindsets.

No South Sudanese leader has ever tried to make sure involuntary inter and intra-tribal exchange of ideas, traditional politics, norms and traditions are given greater emphasis and resources allocation.

Chiefs should be given structured, funded Tribal accountability Models (TAM) within that ministry (see South Sudan Ideologically).

The Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports has a superficial role that only helps to foster individual tribal traditions and cultures, however, it doesn’t actually make prominent, the interaction between and among tribes.

This calls for a Ministry of Tribal Affairs to play a greater role in making sure South Sudan understands itself, tribally. The pros and cons of tribal practices could be discussed openly.

TAM should be strengthened and clear modalities put in place to make sure different tribes learn from each other on regular basis. Tribes in South Sudan don’t know that some of them have similar norms, traditions and ethnographic origins.

This would give tribes power over leaders; making it hard for power-hungry leaders to take advantage of tribal differences.

Proper Education and Investment in Nationalistic Attitude of Young People
Properly educating and sensitizing young South Sudanese is the only way of reducing fanatical tribo-nationalism.

Young people who are not well educated about the affairs of the country are easy to mislead. We’ve seen that feeding young ones with tribal nonsense that they’ve been marginalized fuels the growth of hatred.

These young people grow up with the general feeling that their education and ideas will be geared towards freeing their tribes from external, dominant, tribo-nationalists: both conceptual and real!

Many young South Sudan are getting educated, however, fanatical tribo-nationalism will destroy the future of South Sudan. The current crisis has exposed the danger been nurtured both at home and abroad.

If highly educated young people come out only to be fanatical tribo-nationalists then something needs to change if a prosperous and peaceful South Sudan is to be realized.

If South Sudan invests in proper education of the youth, it’d be easy to shape young South Sudanese into helpful nationalists rather than fanatical tribo-nationalists.

A few western educated young people who’d want to maintain seeds of tribal fanaticism will be told off by educated South Sudanese with credible intra and inter-cultural knowledge base.

Institutions, Governance and Policy Making:
Dr. Marial Benjamin, South Sudan current minister of Foreign Affairs, is fond of saying that South Sudan has functional institutions.

We can understand Marial’s position as he’s ready to protect the president and government at all cost; even at the expense of South Sudan’s future.

We all know that South Sudan has organizations and department, but to call them functional institutions is a disservice to South Sudan; a path to its destruction.

The police, the army, the security services are all a mess. They are undisciplined and tend to see their role as the protection of individual bosses rather than allegiance to the nation.

Financial institutions, the National Parliament and Judicial Services have no sense of independence as they feel they owe their existence to the president.

The security services, financial institutions like Central Bank of South Sudan, Judiciary and the national parliament need to be set to be independent and free from executive manipulation.

These institutions need to be professionalized and set in a manner that makes them free from executive influence and manipulation; and be free to give checks and balances to the executive.

As things stand now in South Sudan, all these ‘institutions’ (if you could call them so) are conceptual rather than functional. They do what the president says and this is a marked failure of institutional function in South Sudan.

This fact affects policy making as these ‘institutional’ leaders tend to work to appease the president, his close allies and the executive.

Governance therefore revolves around the president, frustrating decision making and producing mediocre governance and policy.

National Constitution and Declarative Clarity:
Breaking the national constitution is one of those unforgivable things in a country. However, when the person who’s supposed to protect it breaks it and warns people who remind him of that gross danger, then you know that the government is a situation run amok.

Decisions have to be made in South Sudan with clarity of purpose. In South Sudan, the president makes his decisions in form of ‘decrees’ that are read out on National Television in manner reminiscent of 1984 big brother decisions.

The decrees are unquestionable and aren’t passed through parliament as always the case in constitution-respecting, democratic nations.

The parliament is a mere, timid formality of ‘yes sir’ men and women!

The president needs to explain the reasons behind his decisions in order to show that his decisions are for the interest of the nation and that he’s actually accountable to the people.

Good leaders know that the people are the boss and if people resent certain decisions then the president has to either rescind his decision or kindly and conscientiously convince the citizens about the value of the decision.

Constitutional provisions need to be followed to the letter so as to set leadership examples. Breaking the constitution and expecting respect from the citizens is wishful thinking.

The removal of Lakes State governor, Chol Tong Mayay, and Unity State governor, Taban Deng Gai, were all unconstitutional as the reasons behind the constitutional invocation were neither explained nor met.

National Army Integration and Transition to Non-military rule:
South Sudan is a military state. The claim that it’s a democratic, civilian government is illusory. From the president, national ministers to state governors, all still go by their military titles.

Remember, they are not regarded as ‘retired.’ The president is not a ‘retired’ general but an active one. We saw that on December 15, 2013, when the president clearly flaunted his military fatigues.

Admittedly, South Sudan needs to move away from military rule and become a nation run by a civilian government.

Besides, the government has no proper way of integrating rebel forces into the national army. Some of these forces are included in the army conceptually but they remain under the command of their former rebel leaders in exactly the same place they used to fight.

These forces therefore still maintain their allegiance to their former rebel leaders instead of the national army leadership. To make it worse, these forces tend to be overwhelmingly or completely uni-tribal.

Way Out of the Current Crisis
It’s certain that peace will come back to South Sudan. It’s a question of when not if. The warring parties shouldn’t cultivate the thought that they are the ones who only have the interest of the nation in heart or that they are not to blame.

Without question, both sides should accept their mistakes and be practical about what they say. Civilians have to be protected and peace-talks have to be taken seriously.

South Sudanese government under President Kiir should start institutional reforms in readiness for peacetime and the way forward. Both President Kiir and Riek Machar need to draft ways in which path to inter-tribal truth and coexistence will be started and strengthened. South Sudan’s stability rests solely on stability of tribal trust.

We should also know that South Sudan’s stability will also be defined by the rethinking of Riek’s and Kiir’s political lives. Riek’s penchant for fall back to exploitation of sensationalized tribal fanaticism is a dirty mark on Riek capacity as a national leader.

Without positioning himself clearly as a national leader and a person who hasn’t or can’t exploit tribal fanaticism, then the Addis Ababa talks will only be a respite in South Sudan stability not a long-terms solution to the crisis.

President Kiir should rethink his policy making, his governance policy, his speeches’ sensationalism and his role as the development leader of the new country. Kiir has failed to show humility and leadership in the last two years and this has brought us to the current crisis.

It’d also be good to rethink presidential powers, the national constitution and the clarity of SPLM rules and regulations.

Without any change in President Kiir’s attitude and leadership style, then South Sudan would descend into real tribal anarchy.

So in simple terms:
• Formalize cease-fire with international observers to stop the fighting
• Agree that violent ascendency to power is unacceptable
• Agree that things shouldn’t be business as usual and that serious concessions will have to be made
• The two sides have to acknowledge the wrongs done
• Be serious about holding perpetrators of the crimes to account
• Draft serious and long-term inter-tribal trust-building
• Funds for civilians displaced or affected by war
• Encourage new leaders other than Kiir and Riek as their presence is a psychological reminder of the tragedy.

Not only is South Sudan in a crisis as we speak, the future of the country is also a crisis waiting to happen. Tribo-nationalism is the feel-good sentiment among the youth and this makes a cohesive future South Sudan bleak. A tribally divided youth is a warning of an unthinkable future for South Sudan. END

The Cultural Bearing of the New War in South Sudan

BY: Tongun Lo Loyuong, FINLAND, JAN/07/2014, SSN;

It seems the deadlock over the negotiations to end current violence in South Sudan persists in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the venue for the peace talks. At the time of writing, the key warring parties, those loyal to president Salva Kiir and those aligned to his former deputy, Dr. Riek Machar have so far failed to hold a noticeable direct talks to at least rapidly reach an agreement on immediate cessation of hostilities.

And it also seems that the fugitive (Bashir)from the north has finally landed on the scene, which makes for intriguing developments in the coming days as South Sudan braces for regional and international political showdown. Deep breaths are taken and held!

What is important to discuss at this juncture, however, is that the political intransigence means violent escalation will continue to rage, rampant indiscriminate killing spree will remain and mass displacement, looting, destruction and the perpetration of heinous human rights violations will persist unabated in South Sudan.

The humanitarian community is by now convinced more than ever that humanitarian disaster looms. Ceasefire needs to be declared and held by parties to the divide at anon. A humanitarian corridor needs to be established without further delay in order to reach and attend to the devastated civilian population in the conflict hotspots in South Sudan.

One explanation for this hurting stalemate both in the frontline and on the negotiation table lies in the cultural bearing of the new war in South Sudan.

The prominent Professor at the Makerere University, Mahmood Mamdani is the closest to have ever put a finger in the causes of the unravelling violence in South Sudan, by providing a lucid and nuanced analysis that carefully weaves the key underlying and triggering factors to the violent conflict (see Mahmood Mamdani, “The way forward for South Sudan”).

He observes: “The immediate background to the current crisis is the declining support for Kiir…. The opposition to Kiir’s leadership is at several levels: personal, ethnic, and ideological.

At the individual level, its root is the loss of confidence in Kiir’s leadership ability as he has moved to undercut whatever remained of accountability structures within the state and the party in order to hold on to power.

At the political level, the causes of the conflict lie in a process of the state’s formation that has radically politicised ethnicity.”

The “radically politicised ethnicity,” especially beholden from the perspective of the two major warring parties— the Dinka and Nuer- is primarily embedded in the idea of “born-to-rule.”

Both groups are convinced, albeit misguidedly, in a sense of entitlement to wield exclusive political power. Each party is wired by circumstantial historical claim of some numerical advantage and participation in the liberation struggle that led to the independence of South Sudan.

Hence an unwavering sense of entitlement to political power monopoly is ingrained in the psyche of both political power contestant groups. The quest to rule as such is also informed by dubious traditional legends, myth and prophecies that render ruling South Sudan as a birthright rather than a political privilege that must be earned through constructive national policies and agendas.

Hierarchical worldview is at play here. It is characterized by ethnic supersessionism or subordinationism that largely defines the social and political structures in South Sudan. This is a major contributing factor to the current violent crisis.

As a result, one of the underlying causes to the violent conflict is this cultural extremist and zero-sum mindset propelled by the notion of ingrained sense of entitlement to rule South Sudan to the exclusion of the other and the rest of the many and varied South Sudanese ethnic groups.

Such a radically politicised ethnicity is not just an underlying cause to the conflict, but equally serves as the triggering factor to the violent carnage.

The compounding factor that has aided and abetted the ignition of the current crisis into violent explosion is the short-fuse and inclination to violence, which is arguably one of the common cultural denominators of the two main warring communities.

The Dinka Diplomat, Professor, Francis Mading Deng, does not shy away from acknowledging this fact about the Dinka society. In his first book, “The Dinka of the Sudan,” Deng writes: “Dinka Society is an exceedingly violent society.”

The same can be concluded about the Nuer. The renowned Dinka and Nuer expert, Godfrey Lienhardt, in his book “Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the Dinka” concedes that, “the Dinka and Nuer are warlike people, and have never been slow to assert their rights as they see them by physical force.”

Perhaps this explains it in part or in whole why the two belligerent parties to the violent conflict remain reluctant to engage in direct talks on the roundtable to end the violence even as their tribesmen and women, elders and children are dying in multitudes.

The political implications of this radically politicised ethnicity are profound for the future of lasting peace in South Sudan. This is true both in ending the current violence in the short-term as well as in the formation of a just state and nation in the long term.

Because of the socio-cultural dynamics now visibly translated in the targeted killings of the innocent on the basis of ethnic belonging, South Sudan clearly yearns for statesmanship in the political process to end the persistent innocent suffering.

As things stand, the fledgling state clearly lacks patriotic policy-makers with vision to forge a cohesive sense of national identity and kinship for the common good and well-being of the South Sudanese masses, a common national identity that rises above ethnic particularities and belonging.

The political, social and economic space in South Sudan has in consequence been dominated by acute ethnically driven power politics, particularly since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed in 2005 and a semi-autonomous government structures were erected in Juba.

This has prepared the tense ground for current political violence that unsurprisingly has taken an ethnic twist.

Tribal politics rather than social and economic national policies have permeated the political and social fabric of South Sudan. This is evident on all levels of administration, all the way from the top national leadership level to ground-zero at the State administrative structures—the County, the Payam and the Boma levels in the rural areas.

The result is either an unfair distributive justice and allocation of national wealth and resources or a scandalous failure to deliver any meaningful social and economic services to the people of South Sudan, 9 years after the arrival of the CPA.

The universal conventional language to articulate this anomaly has been tribalism, nepotism and corruption. But this vocabulary does not even feature in the local cultural idiom and expression in South Sudan.

In fact the opposite holds. None of this triad of core vices of tribalism, nepotism and corruption is considered a serious national problem, despite lip-services mostly meant for public consumption and relations.

Blackmail or tipping a public servant to expedite the completion of paperwork or for providing any dutiful administrative services is seen as a gratuity and part and parcel of the process, which in turn is often regarded as a favor granted by the public servant.

Embezzling and misappropriating public funds is not necessarily perceived as an illegal act and a crime, but an entitlement that comes with assuming a public office. As a result caution must be paid in cases of those incarcerated for corruption allegations in South Sudan. Political motivation is rife in the land.

Corruption as conventionally perceived is therefore a practice that is yet to be truly categorized as illegal and as such remains to be condoned in South Sudan’s culture.

For instance as soon as one assumes a ministerial position or any other professional civil service position in South Sudan, few will disagree that expectations of family members and relatives are likely to soar and mouths to feed are likely to increase in what should essentially be a nuclear household.

Under such circumstances it becomes an existential necessity to raid the public purse in order to sustain an increasingly costly tribal enclave that may converge in the house or the city or town of where “their” son or daughter has assumed a public office.

It therefore follows that employment opportunities take precedence to be created first for family members and relatives, then for tribes and family friends, associates and clients and with minimal regard to merits and academic qualifications.

This means that a culture of social injustice against outsiders will develop. Only few lucky ones may then compete to benefit from whatever is left over, after those who are entitled have had their full.

In the context of South Sudanese ethnically diverse society this is untenable and a recipe for hate, simmering conflicts that may subsequently erupt into violence.

The implication is that until corruption, nepotism and tribalism is seen as a fundamental national problem that is honestly discussed and incorporated in South Sudan’s vernacular, solutions are less likely to be deliberated and found.

In turn this will remain to impede and erode any efforts to overcome this serious national problem, and thereby undermining the creation of a viable, peaceful, just and prosperous state in South Sudan.

Against this background, it is important to note several things. The conditions conducive to such violent polarization of politics across ethnicities in South Sudan though the making of South Sudanese themselves, also found comfort in the confines of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) process.

Though the CPA process which was spearheaded by the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) was meant to address the underlying causes of the civil war in the Sudan, it evidently ultimately failed as the current violent crisis betray and as elaborated above.

It will therefore be yet another occasion of absurdity if the same CPA mistake is replicated and not much is learned from past inadequacies of the process that have led South Sudan to the current violent quagmire.

A starting point is for the IGAD fellows tasked with mediating current crisis to for once begin to be informed and appreciate the South Sudanese ethnically divided socio-cultural nitty-gritty.

While ceasefire is yet to be reached, one would hope that this time the peace negotiators will be mindful that South Sudan is not just about Dinka and Nuer. There are more than two hundred other minority ethnic groups in South Sudan that must be recognized and included in any meaningful peace process.

For the current peace talks to make any sense for lasting peace in South Sudan the process must be all inclusive and all South Sudanese conflict stakeholders must be represented in the negotiating table.

Obviously it will be a miracle if such an inclusive consideration process comes to bear while conflict management involving mostly state actors yet again drives the current political settlement to current South Sudan’s violent crisis in Addis Ababa.

But who said that Jesus did not walk on water?!

Tongun Lo Loyuong is an American educated conflict and peace policy analyst. He is reachable at; and can be followed on twitter @TongunLoLoyuong. Numerous other food for thought and intellectual exercise on South Sudan’s issues can be found at: “”>

It’s a Dinka-Nuer fratricide & collapse of a nation: New political dispensation needed

Editorial Analysis: JAN/06/2014, SSN;

However much one might want to twist the reality of our current national shame, especially in an attempt to deceive the foreigners, the fact unfolding on the ground in South Sudan tells of a real senseless but well-planned fratricidal war taking place between the so-called majority Dinka tribe and the second largest Nuer tribe.

Whilst foreigners might naively and mistakenly presume that this is a political crisis, we South Sudanese nationals know it very well that what is evolving is a bloody struggle between these tribal leaders for dominance and also of greed for power and the country’s petrodollars.

What national interests are at stake here in the current tribal war? Why should any non-Dinka or non-Nuer die for a country that has been callously misruled by tribally thinking ‘leaders’ who have been steering the nation in a tribal direction over the last eight years?

If one was to ask any Equatorian or Fertit from Western Bahr el Gazel, if he or she was willing to needlessly sacrifice his or her life for either the Dinka or Nuer side fighting the current internecine war or alternately, for either a murderous Kiir or Machar, the answer without any hesitation is an emphatic NO.

What have they, these Equatorians and Fertit will ask, have these two leaders or these two tribal warriors, done for the country besides only impoverishing the nation?

Palpably, there is obvious but unspoken trepidation among the other tribes of what the future holds for them and the nation, regardless of the outcome.

For Equatorians and the other minorities living in Dinka-dominated states, the real worry is that should the Dinka crush the Nuer in this ongoing war, they the Dinka would be more oppressive and more domineering against other tribes, any opposition or criticism from them.

Will the Madi get back the forcefully occupied land or will the Shilluks of Gen. Johnson Uling recover their ancestral land which the same have taken?

Anyway, in as much as they don’t like it, those other tribes had always perceived the Nuer as a ‘buffer’ against Dinka’s feral rule, so should or if that buffer is eliminated, these people will be even more vulnerable to perpetual oppression of the Dinka.

Is it any wonder that today the foreign-prescribed solutions aren’t working or being acceptable, simply because the two warring tribes still feel they have to keep killing each other until they ‘achieve their revenge quotas?’

Quoting from the ‘Economist’ magazine, “Whole areas of Juba that were once home to South Sudan second largest ethnic group, Nuer, are now looted and empty.’

Furthermore, according to the Economist, whilst the UN is asking ‘where are the bodies,’ it reported ‘the killed bodies of the Nuer were removed in a clean-up operation under the cover of a dusk-to-dawn curfew and dumped in the river Nile.’

Aggravating our predicament is the hidden but stark fact that the country’s president is an alcoholic addict whose decisions are generally taken during that drunkard stupor and as such, these decisions are emotional, irrational and of course detrimental to our national interest.

Unfortunately president Kiir is surrounded by hard-headed Dinka tribal bigots who are just preoccupied with the goal of sustaining Dinka stranglehold on the presidency so that their looting, domination and criminal activities are forever safeguarded.

Conversely, if Riek Machar had his way or dreams miraculously fulfilled, he would just be replicating what the Dinka so-called majority has been perpetuating.

After all, when he was vice president, was he any different from Kiir in selfishly sustaining his tribal interests?

Disappointingly, National independence has only quadrupled their appetites for more power and more looted dollars, and combined with their massive and predominant enlisting in the national army, they have rapidly transformed their tribal animosities into a permanent military-political rivalry and antagonistic co-existence.

Retrospectively, introspectively and prospectively, the tragic events of December 15 and the subsequent horrific and deadly manifestations have exposed the deep schism between the two tribes which makes further future coexistence in a one nation very untenable and unsustainable.

South Sudan is a doomed nation as we have fallen victims of the ‘Natural resource curse.’ Whatever happens or might not happen in Addis Ababa peace talks between these two warring tribes, (aka delegations or negotiators), South Sudan Nation is irreversibly collapsing as a State, with very little prospects that things will be back to normal ever again.

In hindsight, the nation might just as well recall Dr. Lam Akol’s prediction about the ‘Somalization’ of South Sudan that would one day happen. It has come true, in just two years of independence. You wonder what this crafty politician, now a party to Kiir’s delegation in Addis Ababa, is now prescribing as a medicine to cure our national malaise!!!!!!

Legend going around popularly affirm that in the cultures of the two protagonists, the words ‘I’m sorry’ and ‘I apologize’ do not even exist in their vocabulary. How true that might be is left to the reader, but when have we ever heard Garang or Kiir, Kuol or Machar, Makuei or Salva Mathok… ever once said ‘sorry’ for all the egregious acts of brutality, savagery, animalism and inhumanity commissioned or committed by them or on their behalves against fellow citizens…..????

Coming to the nitty-gritty of the on-going negotiations in Addis, one can only speculate on the futility of the entire exercise, because, importantly, the perceived Kiir Dinka-government and its twins arms, the SPLM party and SPLA, have to first genuinely transform themselves before any peace can come to the nation.

The SPLM, since its guerilla days, has persisted in a tribally-dominated ideology whereby non-Dinka members are cynically looked upon as ‘intruders’ and relegated to second class members.

This plainly explains the stubborn refusal of the likes of Kiir, Kuol or Makuei to even countenance the near possibility of the likelihood of non-Dinka top SPLM leaders like current vice president Wani Igga ever becoming the next Chair of the party.

In all frankness, unless the SPLM is completely transformed into a truly national party, the crises within its leadership will persist forever.

Thus, when Kiir and Machar and the SPLM blatantly embarked on gross misrule, corruption and utter disregard for the rule of law, we clearly foresaw the inevitability of the collapse of the country and the probability of a Dinka-Nuer crisis.

But more importantly, however, the national army, the SPLA, since coming the war ended, has remained a totally primitive and tribally-factionalized army (still singing tribal songs), that’s characterized by war-lordism.

Sporadically, since the nationhood was achieved, there were persistent uprisings and rebellions by south Sudanese guerilla movements against the Kiir government.

However, instead of the Kiir-Machar leadership resolving these crises holistically, they opted for myopic solutions, making separate agreements and reintegration of the individual rebel groups into the national army and these are the armies now fighting on Machar’s or Kiir’s behest.

In essence, the SPLA has been frozen in a state of immaturity, thus portentously endangering the very security of the country despite consuming more than half of the yearly national budget.

From President Kiir down to those tribally-orientated Dinka and Nuer generals, by recruiting willy-nilly only their tribesmen as freely as they like, they all duplicitiously ensured their ethnic balance of power in the Army.

Subsequently, the SPLA national army remained very tribal, disorganized and cynically anti-national; the soldiers, to the best of their interests, paid more allegiance to their ethnic commanders than to the proper chain of command.

Is it any wonder, therefore, that the national army is spontaneously and fatalistically splintering on the Dinka-Nuer ethnic axis?

Why have we not seen the Shilluks, Zande, Bari or Latuko, breaking off? This answer ominously amplifies the popular, widely accepted presumption that the prevailing conundrum is entirely a Dinka-Nuer impasse.

What is the way forward then for the already collapsed and failed state of South Sudan?

First: Both Kiir and Machar armies both must immediately accept a ceasefire and cessation of hostilities. Kiir’s presidency and legitimacy have been irreversibly wounded, he’s just a murderer as is his opponent, a genocidaire as the other, and presumably he’s a likely candidate for the ICC as is his nemesis.

Second: Because this is a national crisis of utmost magnitude, and since the State has legally and constitutionally collapsed since it is at war with itself, the president must dismiss the current government and form a transitional government from non-partisan persons, to run the affairs of the government.

Third: A National Reconciliation mechanism must be instituted and presided by others or even a foreigner, but excluding a Dinka or Nuer chairmanship by all means, which as surely as possible will ensure absolute impartiality and controversy.

Fourth: Since this crisis was initially precipitated by internal crisis in the SPLM between the so-called ‘disgruntled’ members and Kiir’s supporters, a National Constitutional Conference must be initiated and speedily convened to iron out all the outstanding issues of constitutionality, constitutionalism and others. For instance, term limits must be set and clearly defined modalities and eligibilities for the presidency and other top jobs in government.

Fifth: Since the current crises are mostly due to the carried-over of the former ‘Bush mentality’ enjoyed by the SPLM/SPLA, there must be total reorganization of the army where recruitment is based on educational background and not on tribalism and ethnicity as sorrily manifested in the infamous so-called Kiir’s home-town boys dominated ‘Republican Guards.’

Sixth and Finally: When the war started in 1983, the South was controversially being divided and fractionalized into self-governing separate regions as a result of the attrition and incompatibility among us, Southern Sudanese, who failed to live in harmony among ourselves.

In response to popular demand by Nuer and Equatorians and Bahr el Ghazal Dinka and non-Dinka, Nimeiri imposed the regionalization of South Sudan. Many supporters of this policy of decentralization, then, believed the SPLM/A creation was a jittery tribal counter response to that.

Today, and taking into account the current collapse of our nation and the unforgivable misrule and mismanagement of South Sudan by the SPLM and the kleptocrats around Kiir, a newer modality of ‘redivision’ and political devolution is imperative.

Finally, without any new comprehensive political dispensation, especially given the underlying apprehensions and grave concerns of many non-Dinka populations, and given the current abuses of the rule of law by those thugs in the current government, the situation in the country will be moving from one crisis to another.

If the pretentious Catholic adherent and regular church-going president Kiir hasn’t sincerely forgiven Machar’s involvement of 1991 Bor incident and forgiven those involved in the December 15 incident, or even yet to apologize for the murders committed by his presidential guards brigade, what hopes are there for peace and coexistence…..??? END

South Sudan conflict was inevitable- no ingredients for nationhood?


South Sudan bleeds, and the nation’s leaders must now staunch the wound.

Why am I not surprised that South Sudan is imploding just two years after becoming an independent state? Perhaps it is because, deep down inside, we all expected something like this to happen.

We knew it was only a matter of time before the war between the largely Islamic and predominantly Arabic north and the south would morph into a post-independence power struggle for the soul of the new nation.

Before South Sudan attained its independence, the sole focus of its people had been to break away from Khartoum. Dr John Garang’s Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) became a unifying platform, representing the collective aspirations of an otherwise disparate population with little else to hold them together.

The so-called Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the SPLM and the government of Sudan, which was signed in 2005, was seen by many as the beginning of a new journey of peaceful co-existence, hope and prosperity for the people of South Sudan.

Many observers around the world believed, or at least wanted to believe, that all the ills of South Sudan were due to the oppressive rule of the Khartoum regime, and once independent, those troubles would disappear.

But there were sceptics whose view of South Sudan has always been that it would not, and perhaps could never, become a “nation”. In their view, South Sudan does not possess any physical, social or religious ingredients for nationhood.


Regardless of these divergent views, the people of South Sudan were single-minded in their quest. They wanted their own country.

The CPA did not grant the Southerners this wish, but it did provide a timetable by which they would conduct a referendum to decide whether or not to break away and form an independent nation. That referendum took place in January 2011. An overwhelming 98 per cent of the people voted in favour of independence.

But as the dust settled on the celebrations marking the creation of the new state, and as the world’s cameras moved on to other stories, a new reality began to dawn on the people of South Sudan; that having their own country is only a first step in a long, arduous journey toward the bigger and more elusive goal of nationhood.

As Kenyans discovered during the post-election violence of 2008, a country can unravel in a day due to unresolved socio-economic and political issues.

Unresolved issues do not go away; they wait for an opportune moment to surface – sometimes with a destructive force of violence that, if not contained, can cripple a country for life.

Given the fragility of the new government of South Sudan, the question was never really if, but when, the eruption would happen. At some point in its history, the people of South Sudan were going to have to come to terms with the demands of nationhood. What has surprised many is the speed with which that critical moment has come.

So, how prepared are the country’s leaders to deal with the onerous task that lies before them? What will it take to build a nation out of a population that is so divided and so deeply wounded?

How do you begin to forge trust and a sense of oneness among a people who have been scattered across the globe because of war, and who have been hardened by decades of unrelenting suffering? How do you craft in the minds and hearts of the people an appreciation of values like democracy, justice and equality?

The answers to these difficult questions can be summarised in one word: leadership. The volatile place in which South Sudan finds itself demands extraordinary leadership; one with both the insight and humility to understand and seize the moment to rise above personal and factional interests for the good of the nation.

The world is rooting for South Sudan to make it safely across this first major test in its journey as a nation.

President Salva Kiir and former Vice-President Riek Machar have no alternative but to lay down their arms and begin to cultivate in the new nation a culture of dialogue and consensus as a way of resolving disputes. History will judge them harshly if they bungle this critical moment.

Mr. Ondeng is the director of East Africa Leadership Institute and a strategy consultant for Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. (

Kiir presidential guards: Stop feeding Nuer with dead Nuer rotten fleshes

BY: Mun Koang, SOUTH SUDAN, DEC/01/2014, SSN;

What has taken place in south Sudan national’s capital, Juba, was an ill-fated incident that should have been circumvented by all causes if south Sudan had a genuine leader, sadly that is not the case. Our president Salva Mayardit has shown to the world that he doesn’t fit to lead.

Nuers were killed in Juba like flies by the order from their own president in South Sudan national capital, however, there was no single word from President himself thus as to ease the grievance of victims’ relatives.

President didn’t condemn the death of Nuer innocent civilians who were slaughtered by his home militia.

Days after the incident, Salva Kiir came up openly and admitted by saying that what about those Dinka killed in Akobo and Bor, were they killed by my presidential guards too? See!

The president in this case Kiir was more concerned with Dinka killed in revenge attacks in Akoba and Bor or elsewhere, but failed entirely to acknowledge the root cause of the incident.

Where it happened? Who started it? Why in national capital? The SPLA forces under defected Maj. Gen. Peter Gadet Yak took control of Jonglei state for several days.

Imagine if Peter Gadet’s forces were Salva Kiir presidential guards, and those 40,000 Dinka civilians who escaped to Lakes State were Nuer civilians, all of them would surely have been killed.

This demonstrates that president Kiir is nothing but a tribal leader who only cares about his own tribe.

It all started when SPLM political leaders requested the president to convene SPLM political bureau meeting. That worried the president to death and left him with no choice but to resort to the violence by prematurely and rudely reminding his former vice president that since he, Salva Kiir, took arm he never betrayed the cause of his people.

He was referring this directly to Dr. Riek who defected in 1991 due to lack of clear objective within the movement SPLM.

Mind you, South Sudan independence came about through the will of people of South Sudan. president Kiir didn’t match to Juba and take it over by forces from Jallaba when he was a rebel still is. It was through peace accord which gave South Sudanese a right to vote.

Now that we have a democratic country, it is the constitutional right of every South Sudanese to compete for the top seat in the new nation.

It is totally outrageous that the president who himself was voted to the office by the people would become thus angry about being confronted politically.

South Sudanese all over the world know that happened was not a “failed coup attempt,” instead its President Kiir himself who ordered his presidential guards to be disarmed and then only the Dinka presidential guards to be rearmed which directly headed to the military clash between Nuer and the Dinka members of the presidential guards.

President Kiir didn’t stop there he went further gave a unlawful order to his militias the so called presidential guards to exclusively attack and kill Nuer soldiers, officials, civilians in Juba.

Their main objective was to go door to door and kill everyone Nuer in the area. They set houses on fire and destroyed some using military tanks; not to mention these are hopeless innocent Nuer civilians. There were several residential areas inhabited by Nuer, but the ones affected the most are: Gudele, 107 and Manga, these areas were 95% Nuer and Kiir presidential guards with exception of some Nuer who managed to escape to the bush were all killed.

Those who went to Gudele, 107 and Mangaten afterwards found over one thousand bodies of men, women men, and children killed and left there rotting.

Personally, I have brothers, cousins and relatives whom I lost in these two areas. The South Sudan president Kiir at the same day ordered curfew which gave time for his presidential guards to move the bodies using military trucks to undisclosed locations and tossed the bodies where nobody could see them. To make things worse those displaced Nuer at UN compound are now being targeted.

There were eight men and 15 women who captured by presidential guards on their way to stores to buy food. Eight men were forced to eat the rotten fleshes of their fellow men and women killed by the same presidential guards four men managed to eat and the other four who refused were killed instantly.

As for the women, one woman is being rape by six men and shot at if refused. These are crimes again humanity! Sadly, United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNIMISS) has failed to report on this.

Despite of that, UN representative Hilde Johnson went ahead praising president Kiir for his willingness to empty dialogue. Take note of this, the Nuer who are fought for several days didn’t fight because of Dr. Riek Machar as Makuei Lueth, Wani Igga, Lomoro, Kuol Manyang and Salva Kiir himself want people believe; rather they are fighting because their mothers, fathers grandpas sisters and brothers are brutally butchered in Juba by president’s security guards.

Three simple solutions stop the fight:
1. Kiir must immediately apologize to Nuer for killing Nuer civilians in national capital.
2. Kiir must immediately release all political detainees without preconditions.
3. Kiir must advice his mentor Museveni to pull out his troops from South Sudan’s territory.

If those three solutions are not put in urgent practice, three million Nuer left will resist and fight till the last man. To those other tribes that are watching Nuer being lynched in Juba, you better be prepared for the worst because when Nuer finished you are next.

In summary, the people of South Sudan had in the past endured many hardships and December 15, 2013 incident would have been avoided if Kiir accepted and convened SPLM political Bureau meeting.

However, the president and his IGAD partners failed to acknowledge that and the death of innocent Nuer civilians killed in Juba. They failed to address the reason why there are 50,000 Nuer civilians in UN compound in Juba.

With exception of Ethiopia Prime Minister the rest of IGAD leaders and UN representative are just bunch of criminals. They are praising Salva Kiir who has murdered thousands of innocent Nuer civilians in a cold blood.

My condolence to the late Dr. Lul Kujien who was picked up in Bor by the so called SPLA soldiers from UN compound along with eight other Nuer and shot dead while UN peacekeepers are standing by watching.

Mun Koang is a South Sudanese, he can be reached at:

The African Union (AU) or the United Nations (UN) should take over the peace process of South Sudan at Once

BY: Brian Adrian, SOUTH SUDAN, DEC/01/2014, SSN;

IGAD started a commendable job that South Sudanese have been hoping for since the leadership struggle started. This is by trying to bring the two warring parties to a negotiating table and settle their differences peacefully. IGAD being the regional body, it is in a better position to easily understand the on going situation in South Sudan and is well place as South Sudan is a member IGAD.

However, as much as this is a blessing, it is more of a curse since members nations have developed different interests in the Sudanese conflict and now South Sudan.

IGAD’s credibility and fairness in finding a lasting, peaceful political solution to the problem that emerged on December 15, 2013, is tinted by some member countries of the Body that have openly taken sides on the conflict and participating in the on going war in South Sudan.

Ugandan Government stated clearly that they are tired of Riek Machar and that “they have tolerated and been patient with him.” (Henry Okello Oryem, Uganda’s minister of State International Affairs:

Uganda President who has been acting as the devil’s representative in eastern Africa has done it again. Museveni is notoriously known to love meddling in other sovereign nations affairs for his own gain.

One good example he has been accused of is the death of Former Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President, Laurent-Désiré Kabila who lost his dear life on January 18, 2001.

He is also accused by some people of being responsible for the death of South Sudanese icon John Garang, July 30), 2005, who led the struggle from 1983 till his unfortunate, untimely death.

The reasons for these two assassinations is said to be Museveni’s desire to have weak inexperienced leaders who will look upon him as their God Father or Big Brother.

He wanted to be a kind of Uncle Sam for East Africa and the Great Lakes Region. While this seems to have worked in DRC, with President Joseph Kabila, putting his national interest and love for his people, it has worked perfectly in South Sudan.

Realizing that his scam did not work in DRC, Museveni resulted into creating and supporting Rebels against Kabila’s Government, a fact, proven beyond doubts by the United Nation.

Kenya on the other hand, has been contributing positively in finding a lasting peace for Sudan in general. However, the statements made recently by Kenyan leadership seems to be suggesting otherwise.

It may be common sense that the two leaders seem to be protecting the Lamu project. However, what they are forgetting is that the Oil in South Sudan, is found in Unity State, Upper Nile, and Jonglei, where if civil war became a reality, they will be under rebel control and hence the Lamu project will hit a dead end considering the populations there.

It is widely believed by the South Sudanese that he is being controlled by Uganda President, Yoweri Museveni. Museveni is said to be the one bringing him to power, through the assassination of John Garang. This can be seen by his several trips to Uganda whenever there are concerns in South Sudan.

The two became very close that President Kiir is seen as a puppet of Museveni.

It is also a common belief that, at one of the visits, Museveni took Salva to a graveyard where some of the Freedom fighters he killed were buried. He is said to be the one who advised Kiir to build his own army, which Kiir did.

Kiir went to his home County and recruited young men that were trained in a place called Luri. This force was to be used as mercenaries against any political rival and his people. They were just trained to fight to defend what Kiir told them was their leadership which was under threat.

These men can’t speak any language except their mother tongue hence a perfect force for the elimination anyone who dares want to take their leadership and wipe out his people.

The former Vice President and his colleagues knew this but were so occupied by the democratic methods that they didn’t question Kiir’s moves or try to counter it. They wanted an SPLM leadership meeting to solve the differences and hence party elections to elect new leadership.

Presidents Museveni and Kiir were ready to carry out their wicked plan. Kiir became very arrogant in South Sudan that he started to threaten political opponents. He dissolved the entire Cabinet leaving a leadership vacuum within the Young Nation.

This was done with the consultation of President Museveni. They were expecting the Nuer to reject the removal of Riek Machar and declare war on the President. Museveni was ready for this and started deploying his forces into South Sudan few days before the announcement.

To their disappointment, the Nuer were aware of the Constitutional right of the President and remained calm. In was suggested that Riek Machar be removed and replaced with a Nuer to divide the community. However, the Presidential advisers on this case decided to play with his mind.

They decided to hide the truth of the matter by telling him that the Nuer he (the President) suggested to take over from Riek refused. This made the President kind of mad and started acting like a mad man.

The entire South Sudan was quiet waiting for what will be the result of his uncalculated actions.

Only four men were making the decision for the Nation. President Kiir (Dinka), Kuol Manyang Juk (Dinka), Daniel Awet (Dinka) and James Wani Igga (a Bari seen as a puppet of the three). It was common on street to hear people talking of Dinka making unpopular decision for the Nation. But the entire nation remained silent eagerly waiting to witness what they were planning for the country. Others were worried.

Cabinet was formed without the Vice President. This was a test to see the reaction of the Nation. But South Sudanese knew the President had the power to appoint anyone to work with him. James Wani then was appointed but the nation remains silent as usual. This was a big disappointment for the two angels of the Devil who were so thirty for blood.

The Current Crisis in South Sudan

Having done the above without anyone saying a word, the President then started acting like a drunken monkey with a gun. He then went to the party where his leadership was being challenged. He decided to run the party like the nation he has been playing around with. This caused uproar since the party belongs to the people and not one person.

The dictator, President Museveni and his grooming puppet Dictator realized at once that this is the opportunity they have been waiting for. Salva Kiir was himself confused on how to go on with this.

NB: The Secretary General Pagan Amum wrote to the Party Chairman (the President) several times to call for a party convention for the Party to elect new leadership or confirmed the leaders. The President failed to do so.

Not knowing how to go on with the issue, he decided to dissolve the party structures giving a lame reason that the party did not hold a convention on time and hence structures should cease to exist except his office as chairman.

This is a very primitive reasoning because he was the one who failed to call the meeting.

Secondly, his office is one of the Structures that should cease to exist because it was created by the same convention like the other structures. This create a big confusion with both party Vice Chairpersons (Former and Current Vice President) stating that the structures are there while others including the Government spokes-person saying they were dissolved.

The party’s senior members opposed to the way the President was running the party decided to hold a press conference that was to be followed by a public rally the following Saturday. Not knowing what he was doing, confused and scared of the public rally, the Chairman then decided to call for a meeting of the National Liberation Council, which he dissolved earlier.

The meeting was held but it lack reconciliatory gestures from the President. He started attacking some members while threatening others and attempting to unilaterally sacked the party Secretary General. This forced some members to boycott the following days session.

The war

That Sunday night, the President’s tribes men, the Dinka, started to distribute ammunitions among themselves and disarming the Nuer officers among them. The Nuer became suspicious and resisted. The Dinka then fired at the Nuer officers and fighting broke out.

The President quickly put on military uniform and before knowing what went wrong, started to blame the former Vice President of a coup d’état. Any reasonable person will question this. How did the President come to this conclusion within few minutes? Fighting continued throughout the night and the following morning.

The President’s tribes men had an upper hand since they were well prepared for this and controlled the heavy weapons and managed to take control of the barracks.

After the fighting ceased, they then came out killing anyone Nuer they come across. I am aware of a lady who gave birth 3 days before the incident, who was shot twice into the chest and died leaving the infant. The infant is now in the UNMISS near Juba Airport with his grandmother.

One reverend from the Presbyterian Church was killed while in Church Uniform. Many people were killed in the area of Munuki, Gudele, 107, Khor William, Manga II and Jebel. What the Dinka did was to kill the people and throw the bodies on the street. Vehicles collect the bodies later and dumb them in mass grave made by excavators. The images were discovered by UNMISS in Juba. They reported 3 but did nothing.

The ceasefire

The ceasefire was declared in bad faith, as only one faction of the warring parties was involved. This was a calculated move to sideline the other faction so that Museveni, Kiir and those they managed to convince can have a reason to attack them and support the current genocide against the Nuer.

What they did was to ask Kiir what he wanted them to do. Kiir knew he started something he cannot handle. He thought his man-staged coup will kill his opponent. God was bigger than Kiir and Museveni. This will not work.

It is the choice between being killed or being a second-class citizen, and we chose to die in search for freedom, justice and equality. We can’t liberate ourselves from colonization of North Sudan just to be recolonized by Uganda. Museveni should be ready to kill all of us or his days are numbered.


The AU and the UN should take over the peace process in South Sudan since some IGAD members have shown interest to the conflict and chosen sides. Museveni have showed it clearly that he is with President Kiir, his fellow dictator, and will do anything to keep him on power. His plane has been bombing South Sudanese and his troops are on the ground in large numbers.

We cannot have a mediator who is part of the conflict. The world should take charge to stop this pending massive civil war. Museveni should learn that South Sudanese are people who will choose to die than being enslaved. He is now threatening to invade the people of South Sudan and decide their fate.

The other South Sudanese are now seeing what is happening and are not wondering what the real reason is for the fighting. This is fight to liberate South Sudan from Uganda tyranny and colonization. We need our freedom.

In summary, I would like to highlight the President created all these mess as heightened by another concerned South Sudanese on

1. Unconstitutionally relieving the VP along with the entire cabinet in August 2013.
2. Unconstitutionally suspending the Secretary General of the SPLM Pagan Amum

3. Blocked every avenue for dialogue within the SPLM by refusing to convene the SPLM Political Buro meeting to internally discuss SPLM and to set agenda for the Liberation Council meeting.

4. Issued an order to dissolve SPLM structures namely the Politburo and the National Liberation Council forcing the press conference on the 6th Dec by those opposed to him and also affected by this monumental dissolution.
5. And finally convening a surprise meeting of the NLC to divert attention from and obstruct a public rally to be staged by the opposition forces within his party.
Riek and company suspended the public rally in response to calls from religious leaders, attempted to attend the NLC meeting but were further humiliated by an ignorant and arrogant president Kiir which resulted in their walk-out.

6. A day later it now transpired that Kiir ordered for the presidential guards to be disarmed and then only the Dinka presidential guards to be rearmed which directly led to the military confrontation between Nuer and the Dinka members of the presidential guards.

7. He further gave a criminal instruction to his militia to indiscriminately attack and kill Nuer soldiers, civil servants or citizens in Juba.

The South Sudanese’s current government should therefore cease to exit and the United Nations take over the management of the Country and prepare election within one year. Otherwise the song that, “WE DON’T WANT TO SEE ANOTHER RWANDA” will be meaningless.

This is not about Riek Machar any more but South Sudanese fighting for their independence from the Tyranny of Uganda and the looming Kenyan involvement.

Long Live South Sudan

Concerned Citizen

The Finger Prints on Genocide in South Sudan

BY: Stephen Par Kuol, SOUTH SUDAN, JAN/01/2014, SSN;

Any body with keen interest in South Sudanese current affairs could not have missed the recent shuttle diplomacy waged by the regional leaders and diplomats to end the ongoing crisis in the country. That is very encouraging and should be supported by all people of good will.

Unfortunately, what is now diminishing through the thin air of that diplomacy is the ugly fact that weltered with decomposing corpses and their fetid smell in the air, Juba, the capital of South Sudan is a crime scene against humanity and should be treated as such at the time of this writing.

Worth noting also is the chilling truth that among those cheeky personalities rubbing shoulders with regional leaders and diplomats to bring peace to South Sudan are red-handed suspects in the ongoing genocide.

Meanwhile preventive diplomacy can surely minimize the magnitude of the crisis and save more lives; one delicate affair in the process is avoiding diplomatic niceties to overshadow the criminal responsibility of those whose finger prints are notoriously evident on those crimes against humanity.

Thus, on behalf of the murdered victims, traumatized survivors and their families, I write to recommend that the peace process goes hand in hand with a multi-national investigation of these premeditated heinous crimes against humanity.

Any thing short of that is another betrayal to humanity and South Sudanese citizens of Nuer ethnic origin who have perished in the ongoing genocide.

Experiences elsewhere have taught us that war fatigue and desperate yearning for peace can easily give way to impunity that could haunt the nation in question for an unforeseeable future.

Speaking as a practised diplomat, I mean the diplomatic tendency to avoid antagonizing the genocidaires, who might walk out of “the peace process.”

This often frightens diplomats who fear “upsetting the peace process.” For example, in Naivasha for South Sudan, or in Abuja for Darfur in 2005, the argument became: “don’t upset the fragile new order in Khartoum since signature on the agreements settling the civil war in the South serves the greater good. Let’s now concentrate on getting the Darfur ‘rebels’ to reach a similar agreement with Khartoum in Abuja, under the African Union.”

Meanwhile the ethnic cleansing of Darfur and genocidal massacres and rapes continued daily. This argument, which diplomats often naively espouse, ignores the fact that genocidaires are serial killers whose blood thirst can never be quenched by a peace meal.

Hence, policies toward them based on fear lead only to appeasement and further genocide.

In the case of the ongoing genocide in South Sudan, the prime suspect, General Salva Kiir Mayardit has already offered unconditional cease fire and peace talk but the genocide continues.

Like any genocidaires, Kiir is a serial killer, a master of genocide and ethnic cleansing.

As a career military intelligence officer, he is well trained in cold blood killing and practised that well during the liberation struggle where he executed murder of the bulk of our liberation politicians.

He is doing that now with efficiency on our unarmed civilians in Juba. Presently, the only safe heaven for South Sudanese of Nuer ethnic origin without guns is the UNMISS concentration camp near Juba International Airport where his Propaganda Chief, Justice Michael Lueth, has been calling them out to finish what they have started.

Nobody talks about that now where as Kiir is preparing for more genocide. That is why I write to strongly recommend that both the international criminal investigation and the peace talks go on simultaneously.

Criminal Investigation as an inquisitive process starts with these questions: What, Where, How and Who?

Legally speaking, the process proceeds with one fundamental question: has a crime been committed in violation of an existing law? If yes, then what is the name or definition of the crime committed?

In this case, a crime has been committed in violation of the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan, Rome Statue and the Geneva Convention.

Genocide in this case is defined as “the intentional destruction, in whole or in part, of a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, as such.

Was it systematically organized by General Kiir’s regime using his privately armed Dootku-Beny militia, tanks and other lethal weapons?

Were the victims chosen because of their ethnic identity? If yes again, then only South Sudanese of Nuer ethnic origin in 107, Guddele, Gurei, Eden, Manga, Jabel villages were targeted and are now the dominant IDPS in UNMISS compound and the Dinka homes nearby were left untouched?”

Is this an intentional destruction, in part, of ethnic and racial group? If yes, then, this in short, is genocide.

As for who did what, the finger prints of the following top seven names have surfaced with probable cause beyond a reasonable doubt:

1. General Salva Kiir Mayardit, the President of the Republic of South Sudan who declared the state of emergency leading to the mass killing.
2. General Malong Awan, the current Governor of Northern Bar-Elghazal State who personally recruited Dootku-Beny Militia from NBGS and Warap States and commanded Dootku-Beny during the genocidal operation.
3. General Marial Chinoum, the field General who executed General Salva Kiir’s orders to disarm Nuer soldiers within Tiger Battalion and ordered the use of tanks to kill 22 unarmed bodyguards of Dr. Riek Machar and seven bodyguards of Hon. Gier Chuang Aluong.
4. General Salva Mathuok Gengdit, the former Deputy Minister of Interior and Salva’s father-in-law who was seen in Dootku-beny uniforms commanding part of the genocidal force during the operation in Juba.
5. General Garang Mabil, a notorious general on reserve from Warap State who was reinstated to active duty during the genocidal operation to execute the genocide.
6. General Bol Akot, a general in reserve reinstated after the clashes to execute the genocide in Thuk sita and Gudele.
7. General Alew Ayieny, the Current Minister of interior who was seen in military uniform commanding a police force in collaboration with Dootku-Beny.

In conventional practice, those primitive tribal generals should be charged with the following crimes:
1. Genocide and crime against humanity
2. War crimes in violation of Geneva Convention
3. Vandalism and formation of a private tribal army for the sole purpose of committing genocide in violation of South Sudan Transitional Constitution

Those of us who speak the language of criminal law know damn well that genocide as an act of mass killing is a joint enterprise with many accomplices including the demagogues and propaganda pundits.

As for proving the Mensa Rea, Kiir is physically on record graduating his Dootku-Beny Brigade alone without involving the SPLA Chief of General Staff and the Ministry of Defence, and declaring state of emergency and quoting 1991 Bor massacres proving both motive and the criminal mind behind the act of genocide.

With these, I rest my case.

Stephen Par Kuol is a former Deputy Ambassador of the Sudan to the United Republic of Tanzania and the State Minister of Education in the recently overthrown Government of Jonglei State by Dr. Riek Machar’s forces. He is also a researcher and freelance writer on academic topics pertinent to Human Rights and Post-conflict Criminal Justice Administration. He can be reached via /