Archive for: October 2012

The clouds of change in Republic of South Sudan

*Any leadership that will overthrow (my)… regime militarily will not be recognised by the international community,* President Kiir lectured the SPLA in Bilpham on 16th October 2012 according to Sudan Tribune. What is going on in the presidents mind? Why is he appearing desperate to ward off challenges to his regime from internal state actors? For a military president to sound so desperate does not bode well for the country. Has he lost the handle?

President Kiir should by now know that he has squandered every opportunity that has come his way right from 2005 to date. The chronology of failures is so long that even the blind now detest his leadership. Whether it is tribalism, corruption, incompetence, abuse of human rights, failure in diplomacy and you name it, president Kiir and his SPLM Oyee party excel in it. He and his party are so good in doing all the negative things in the world.

So far in only one year of independence they drove the country into a failed state, a record no country, not even Somalia has set since the emergence of nation-states in the medieval period. Thanks to SPLM and its ideology of Dinkocracy for scoring this record.

The desperation exhibited by president Kiir in his address to the SPLA is an indication that he is losing grip on power. His authority has been weakened further by the challenges his own people of Bahr El Ghazal posed to the recent co-operation agreement signed in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. President Kiir is now at his lowest ebb and it is clear that he as a general and commander-in-chief has lost authority and respect of the rank-and-file of his own gangisterized army.

A similar situation his predecessor Dr Garang experienced in the Rumbek meeting of November 2004. Endless advice to president Kiir from well meaning quarters to professionalise the army, and separate it from the party fell on deaf ears. He and his party preferred to keep SPLA as the army of the RSS in its present form. It is only a matter of time before he is pushed aside by one of the strongest gang in the SPLA conglomerate.

President Kiir by waving the card of *international community* to frighten his own army of gangs holding pockets of power within the centre from overthrowing him shows that he is confused and delusional. People who have decided to overthrow a government militarily always do so after having decided to take the ultimate risk to their lives and they would not flinch from schoolboy speak.

Nevertheless, president Kiir may have a point. The world is less tolerant of military coups. This is because the institution of the army (professionally) is not meant to meddle in the affairs of state management. The remit of the army is strictly to protect the country and its citizens from harm under civilian democratic governance. Equally the international community is less tolerant of dictators and totalitarian regimes like president Kiirs one.

The era of coups and dictators is long gone with the cold war. During that period coups were rampant and the leading powers of the time (US representing the West and Russia representing communism) used to promote them a lot to gain their interests. However, with the coming down of the Berlin wall, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the triumph of the neoliberal ideology, coups have become undesirable. The various political and economic blocks of the world influenced by the changes have inserted clauses into their constitutions to outlaw it.

For example the Commonwealth countries are all agreed not to accept any of its members led by putschists. The African Union charter like the Commonwealth one prohibits coups and any of its member state involved with such behaviour may find itself isolated via sanctions or possibly AU military intervention. So in this regard, president Kiir would be right to assume that the international community will come to his rescue in an event of a coup. After all the events in Mali is a pointer. Military officers in Mali took over the government and they had to give it up within a short time following sustained pressure by the international community.

However, motivated military officers pushed to the corner by a corrupt totalitarian regime may not care of the consequences of their action in which case it is a waste of time to try to dissuade them in a manner that reflects weakness.

If president Kiir genuinely wants to stop coup taking place in RSS he needs to immediately initiate far reaching reforms throughout his failed government. Better still if he calls for formation of a government of national unity bringing all actors inside and outside the country together to a conference where the problems of the country will be deliberated upon. Such an action will remove the need for unlawful intervention by members of the SPLA.

Looking at President Kiir lecture at Bilpham from another angle it reveals the delicate political situation in RSS. Of late things have deteriorated badly and the president seems to be panicking. The manner in which he rushed from Kampala, Uganda, straight to address the SPLA at Bilpham belies the image of a popularly loved strong man. Gone are the hey days when the opportunists surrounded him and showered him with lavish praises even when they knew that the man was not up to the job.

But they had a reason, which was self enrichment which worked. The president being gullible felt loved and believed the flattery of the miscreants around him and in return he allowed them to loot the country dry with impunity. He is now fully responsible for the mess and no doubt any future administration will hold him to account. He has unknowingly thrown away the prestige and honour that came with the independence of the country.

Rather than being seen as a hero the president is now seen and rightly so as a villain and huge liability. Heroes are saviours and caring people. They are not looters, abusers of human rights and destroyers. So the self praise the SPLM/A members accord themselves as heroes and saviours has no ground anymore. Their poor governance and uncivilised behaviour have exposed their true characters and their claims to glory increasingly looks stuff of delusion.

This delusion which no doubt also infected the president appears to make him to think and believe that the international community will save him if he is overthrown by the SPLA. Neither the international community nor his rebellious SPLA will save the president. The international community is not only feed up with his poor governance but dismayed with his inability to interact with them positively. If he is removed they may not shed a tear for him. In fact they may even breath a sigh of relief.

On the other hand currently the SPLA is more disillusioned than at any other time in its history due to the growing fissures in its structure of gangs and lack of adequate leadership. The jockeying for power by the various gangs in SPLA in itself is one of the reasons for the instability and non stop rumours of coups in the country. With this development it would be surprising for the SPLA to be sympathetic to the president. This leaves the president with only one option, seeking redemption through acting wisely.

He can save himself by taking the bold decision of dissolving his government and replacing it with a government of national unity consisting of all stake holders. Anything short of such an act may not work and his rebellious army will remain a thorn in his throat.

Although the world presently discourages coups which decent people around the globe support, this phenomenon since the dawn of globalisation two decades ago has been replaced by intervention from non state actors. In a sense coups have been replaced with various types of popular uprisings. Some peaceful and others violent. All in search for genuine democracy or other forms of governance such as the current wind of change blowing through the Arab world. The fake regimes that call themselves democracies such as the SPLM led government of president Kiir are in for a shock. They can come in *sheep cloth*, they can shout all the slogans of democracy and they can lie but they will not escape the wrath of the people. This is a simple rule of life made clear by the saying, *You can fool the people for some of the time but not all the time*.

The unpleasant and toxic environment engulfing the country today is the result of president Kiir and his SPLM Oyee party misrule. Since they returned from bush and assumed power in 2005, they have indulged in unnecessary excesses in tribalism, corruption, violence and abuse of human rights. This has now motivated many people to seek ways of changing the system.

Juba, the under developed capital of this nascent state is now awash with daily stories of attempted coups. Since July 2012 hardly a day passes without talk of a failed coup. Therefore, it was not a surprise to learn from the president during his lecture to the SPLA at Bilpham about a coup. The president announced the detention of Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec as a suspect and also a collaborator (please see Sudan Tribune of 16th October 2012)

Now, the Nuer Youth have entered the fry demanding the release of Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec. The fact that the Nuer Youth are taking matters into their own hands in demanding the release of their own shows the level of distrust between the people and the GoSS.

In a normal functioning state, government agents should not be protected by their tribesmen. The constitution should be the protector of every citizen in the land. But given the glaring failures of the system in GoSS, who can blame the Nuer Youth.

The justice department and the law and order agents (who mostly come from one tribe) have consistently violated the constitution without any regard for the consequence that would emerge from their negligence and abuse of it. Take for example, the killings of innocent citizens by police as in the case of John Lewis and the execution of George Othor by the army without any due process. In both cases there have not been any enquiries to establish the truth; attempt to account to the relatives of the deceased and for the state to learn lessons from these sad incidents

Two days ago I had discussion with a Nuer friend on the subject. He was adamant that president Kiir was playing divide and rule politics by scapegoating Maj. Gen. Gatwec. According to this friend, the trick is to divide the Nuer community by making one Nuer incarcerate the other to sow seeds of bitter divisions among them. Once the Nuer are divided president Kiir can then get rid of those Nuer he does not like from the army and government by using those loyal to him with the ultimate result being a politically weakened and decimated Nuer community that poses no threat to the status quo.

There is some sense in this simple but powerful analysis. Sounds like what happened in Equatoria from 1983 to date. Equatorians could only join SPLM/A as individuals and remain isolated individuals. By being isolated they automatically become weak and vulnerable. They are not allowed to be in groups because group thinking and group action are the basis of power. The leaders of the movement themselves preached and implemented what they do not practise. They fragmented others while regrouping themselves to consolidate power and dominate the rest.

This SPLM/A Machiavellian policy is responsible for disempowering Equatorians to the extent that they are made to feel ashamed and unpatriotic to talk about their rights and interest in the system. It rings bells. SPLM/A are masters of the animalistic behaviour of isolate and kill. Watch the carnivorous groups like lions, hyenas, wild dogs in wild life films, they always single out the weakest member of the preyed herd, isolate it and then kill it.

During the reign of the late Dr Garang, he practised *isolate and kill* to devastating end to the extent of fragmenting families. He set brother against brother, son against father, sister against sister, daughter against mother, nephew against uncle, niece against aunt and so on. The ugliest scenarios are those where a brainwashed relative of the victim (executed or murdered by SPLM/A) become the justifier of the heinous act.

Today, it is a fact in RSS that the Nuer is the only group that poses threat to Jieng hegemony by virtue of their accidental numerical presence in the SPLA. It is no secret that the Jieng are perturbed by this anomaly which only happened after 2005 when the various Nuer armed groups were allowed by instruments in the CPA to come under the SPLA. Historically and this continues to date, the rivalry between these two groups has been an uneasy one laced with deep distrust.

In light of the above and the present circumstance where rumours of coup are rife it would be wise for the leadership in Juba to handle the detention of Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec with utmost care and fairness. Such care and fairness also should be extended to all those political detainees languishing in torture houses of SPLM/A. These arbitrary detentions without due processes are the very reason why this government has failed and people are looking for ways to bring it down

Finally, president Kiir can not talk his regime of failures out of removal from power by waving the international community as his protector. The clouds of change began forming out of his poor governance; the speculations of coups; the gathering discontent expressed on the outset by the Nuer Youth at home and in Diaspora; and Governor Paul Malong Awan bitter complaints about Mile 14.

These concerns are coagulating into the storm that eventually sweeps the SPLM Oyee away once and for all from the political space of RSS.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are solely those of the author and not of the website)

Mr. Nice Guy and Mr. Whimsical: An open letter to Dr. Machar and Dr. Lam Akol

BY: KUIR E GARANG, ALBERTA, CANADA, OCT. 29/2012, SSN; So get your coffee or beer because this going to be a bumpy ride.
As someone who grew up under the enigmatic leadership of SPLM/A, and suffered through the unfortunate, yet incoherent split of SPLA/M in 1991, I think its time for me to write this piece. However, this piece is rather a policy position inquiry to our *learned* and *famed* PhDs.

For those who are prone to misunderstanding, the letter is meant to ask questions that would move the country forward. It is not to question why the SPLM split in 1991. I know the reasons presented in 1991 and the reasons that continue to be given. I am just inquiring as an inquisitive young South Sudanese poet and author.

Our country was born just over a year ago, but it is now suffering from the worlds famed ills of *Afronomy.* The chronic ailments in all African sociopolitical and socioeconomic environments are well-known so I am not going to delve into the contents of Afronomy.

To make this article sensible, I will start with some of the things our two leaders chronicled in 1991.
Chief of the complaints against Dr. John Garang was his dictatorial or one-man leadership style. SPLM under Garang was presented as an organization in which decisions were made without consulting the top leadership of the movement; people were killed anyhow (at time ritually) without any due legal procedure being followed. There was also no formalized leadership structure or coherent policy positions other than what Garang decided and instituted. For those who have read SPLM Manifesto; it is nothing but a piece out of George Orwells 1984.

The two PhDs also lamented Garangs incoherent and costly vision of *New Sudan* so they wanted to change course and fight for the total independence of South Sudan.

In short, the leaders wanted to liberalize and democratize SPLM, pitch a coherent and attainable cause and goal for the people of South Sudan and present Garang as a man who had confused his own political agenda and vision for the country, with the aspirations of South Sudanese.

Remember, I am paraphrasing, so forgive me if some points veer badly away. So that is my two cents. So what happened to the two *PhDs* since then? I will have to ask them some questions and make some comments.

So why only the two of us, you may ask?

I do believe the two of you are able to change South Sudan in a positive light. I chose the two of you because I know you had the chance to look at issues outside the SPLM circle for some times. The self-righteousness within SPLM is suffocating and disastrous for the country.

I believe if the two of you change course and start being doers not talkers, then good things can happen in South Sudan.

    Dr. Riek Machar: Mr. Nice Guy!

Dr. Riek Machar, you are the second most powerful man in South Sudan so I would assume you can now implement the agenda of 1991. I have to confess, for those who have read the policy paper of the two of you in 1991; the paper was appealing on face value. If all the things narrated in the policy position were implemented in the manner they were documented, South Sudan could be a different place now; a peaceful, prosperous place. But what happened? We know what happened.

The two of you ended up in Khartoum and back in SPLM. So Dr. Riek Machar, your vision for South Sudan was thwarted by your disagreement with Dr. Akol, your eventual split and your consequential tribalization of the national agenda. That was then.
But why are you not implementing your 1991 vision since you now have some power to do so?

Why are journalists being intimidated? Why is Kiir vested with so much power that everyone in Juba fears the Presidency? Why are the national security agents censoring newspaper articles? Why are young people not given programs to help them prosper? Why are church leaders being censored?

Why is our economy controlled by foreigners, who hardly pay taxes while our people languish in unemployment?

Why is SPLM still undemocratic? Why is the case that there is no coherent policy framework in the SPLM and the government of South Sudan? Is it not this part of what you lamented in 1991?

Why do you demean yourself in cases such as threatening to block the registration of SPLM-DC? You split with Garang, supposedly, because of such dictatorial tendencies so what in the name of the Jewish son are you doing? Why are you not presenting a clear strategic position of your government?

So when Dr. Garang did these things then they were bad but when you and Kiir do them then they are not bad. It looks like you are *Mr. Nice Guy* afraid to make mistakes. 1991 was a fundamental policy and principle differences terribly gone wrong

It appears to me that 1991 was orchestrated by Dr. Lam in its entirety and that you had nothing absolutely to do with the split. You were just used by Dr. Lam as a question of numbers advantage.

If I am wrong and that you actually had the interest of the country in heart then, why then are you quite on policy and human rights wise as the country continues to slide into uncertainty? You need to come out in force and represent your government just like you did (I think) in 1991 policy-wise, if at all you did actually contributed anything in 1991.

Young people are just wondering. You just postulate issues that make people like me wonder: Where has the brain of Dr. Riek Machar gone to? Has he attained the things he wanted so he does not care anymore about helping the country move forward? Or does he want to kowtow to Kiir for a chance to be anointed the next president? Or is he just twice shy?

Dr. Riek, I am confused and you need to come clean. I want to believe that you are not an opportunist, who has found what he wanted and does not want to ruffle feathers anymore. Speak up!

Dr. Riek Machar, many people admire your courage to come back to the SPLM after the atrocities of 1991. That was a selfless act and it shows critical minds that you at least have some interest of the people in heart (Well others might say …mmm… after what? …he had failed). But that is beside the point.

You are letting South Sudanese down and you are letting young people like me down. Those with you in the government have never seen things from the outside but you did. Speak up!

    Dr. Lam Akol: *Mr. Whimsical!*

With your savvy prose and suave political postulates (not arguments though), you have convinced (not that I did not know) someone like me that you were the brain behind 1991. From the time you were Sudans foreign minister to the time you formed SPLM-DC, to your absence during South Sudans independence celebration; all have something to tell South Sudanese. I must confess I admire your eloquence and evasive canniness.

I also admire your almost pious idealism. You have grandeur idealism that I only see with young people. What you need to know with South Sudanese though is that idealism is something they are yet to understand. As a foreign Minister, you were representing Sudan and that was what you did, efficiently. That was the ideal thing to do given your job description. However, South Sudanese wanted you to represent their voice. I just do not understand how you could represent the country abroad and talk against it! This is something South Sudanese did not grasp or did not want to grasp.

You accepted the ministerial post knowing that you had to present the Sudanese position to the world; and that position was not for the interest of South Sudanese people. This makes me wonder. Why did you accept this position with no qualm given that dilemma? Do not tell me it was Kiir because he had no idea what he was getting into. They wanted you to clean the Sudanese image abroad! Uh!

If your interest is South Sudan, then why did you represent the Sudanese position? If you were cornered by the role you had to play (Which I understand because that is the position you had to represent) then why did you accept the position? Or why did you not resign?

It all comes down to one thing: you did it for your own political agenda; to present your face to the world. This makes me wonder if you used Dr. Riek in 1991 in the same vain: at the expense of the people.

When you were removed from the ministry of foreign affairs, you went ahead and formed a party in a country that still has a long way to go to embrace liberal democracy. Why did you not take one ministry and make it exemplary for the rest of the country? You could have asked Kiir to give you one ministry, reform it, and make it immutable to the rest.

What we need now in South Sudan is not someone to tell people to do things. You have to show them how to do things. You are more than capable of changing South Sudan but your political ambitions just stand in the way of your helping our people.

If you had taken one ministry and made it exemplarily functional, you could have mocked the rest of ministers; telling them that *this is how you run a ministry!* You could have shamed them by telling them that *my ministry is almost free of tribalism, corruption and my achievements are there for the rest to see.* You can guess how South Sudanese could have regarded you. Good examples in deeds indeed!

Imagine yourself taking over ministry of Transport, take the funds allocated to the ministry and make the major roads functional; accounting for every dime. You could have been a messiah in South Sudan.

But you chose to form a party in a political landscape in which political opposition is a misunderstood phenomenon. You knew this very well but you went ahead anyway. I know you write press releases and present policy positions but SPLM is a party of despots and you know they will never listen to you. You split in 1991 and then again to form SPLM-DC. This sounds like deja vu even if it is under different circumstances.

And oh, your absence during July 9, 2011 independence celebration is selfish, unwise and detrimental to your political ambition in South Sudan. It tells me you do not put the interest of the country before anything else. Can you tell South Sudanese what, in the name of the living deities, did you not you come? So Kiir had to talk to you in Nairobi for you to come to your own country? A country for which you dodged bullets? Nice political stunt!

But who the hell is Kiir? South Sudan does not belong to Kiir. I might be young and naive but hey, Uncle Lam, you did not think that through.

Now, your brain is being wasted on theoretical propositions just like some of us. So you call sensitizing South Sudanese and an achievement? That is what the likes of us are supposed to do, Uncle Lam. Be a doer not a reminding mind of the doers!

You could have effected many changes within the deformed, to use Dr. Garang word, SPLM. Now outside, you understand this better than anyone in South Sudan; they will never take you seriously. They will always see you as a selfish political opportunist after his own political agenda. And you know they say things without any evidence. And people will indict you on those things because we are in a country in which people do not think for themselves. Cult of personalities!

Look at what your 1991 friend is doing! Whatever happened to Dr. Riek Machar in Juba beats the living logic out of me. He is just there. Now, you are outside the decision making process of South Sudan and you are just there.

Stop being an idealist and be pragmatic. The times for your kind of idealism will come with people thirty years younger; or leave it to us. Stop talking and start doing!

By the way, multi-party democracy is a necessity in our country, so do not get me wrong. Timing of such is also a necessity, and you know that.

Kuir e Garang is a South Sudanese author, poet, publisher and word artist living in Calgary, Canada. Kuir has authored four books and the upcoming nonfiction book, (Is Black Really Beautiful?) The book tackles Race, Color and Racism in a more Afro-centered manner. For more information visit Kuir webpage: Or follow him twitter @kuirthiy

To Nuer Youth Executive: Why not join hands with other young people in the country?

BY: Tearz Ayuen, JUBA, OCT. 27/2012, SSN;
DEAR NUER YOUTH EXECUTIVE COUNCIL: I read your press release in which you are calling for immediate release of your chairman, Peter Tut Hoth and SPLA Major General Simon Gatwec Dual, who got detained by the alleged Dinka security agents recently. In the press release, you also urge every Nuer in the government to resign from Salva Kiirs government. That is interesting!

You even *de-nuered* the SPLA Chief of General Staff, James Hoth Mai, for having not supported your cause. He must be thinking himself to death now, trying to figure out which tribe to relocate to. And whether there is any tribe willing to welcome him? Oh poor Mai!

What is Nuer Youth Executive?
Is it a political party?
Or is it a civil society organization?
What are its goals?
When was it formed?
Does the government recognize it?
What does it intend to achieve in the next 2 years, 3 years, 5 years or 10 years?
Where is it headquartered? – Its physical address?
Who funds your projects?

There is something I do not understand here. Your chairman was detained by the government, the very government a Nuer son is the second most powerful man. Besides, hundreds of Nuer sons are holding strategic positions in the government. So, what makes you think that the Dinka, the whole tribe of about 4 million people, is behind the arrest of Tut?

If the Dinka government was picking on Nuer youth at random, why did the military intelligence not pick Lam Tungwar or Manasseh Mathiang or any other Nuer youth? Why Peter Tut?

I am not sure if you are aware that there is a government, a democratically elected government that is running the affairs of South Sudan, with the help of a constitution. They call it South Sudan Transitional Constitution. It contains rules and regulations that guide the activities of the government and the citizens.

As a youth group of today, you cannot call for a release of an individual the government is holding over some sort of a crime. It is illegal. If you do, others will regard you as a tribal head. And you do not respect the constitution. But you can pressure the government to speed up the judicial process: trial, hearing. And that is if you are a registered institution.

Yes, threatening the authorities to release criminals is a guerrilla-war-era way of tackling issues of public concern, and is a bad idea at these critical times. Keep in mind that I am not saying Tut is guilty of whatever the government has accused him of, but I am just encouraging you to go it the proper channel.

Again, I am not saying you are an illegitimate group but I am afraid, I doubt your legitimacy. If you are a registered body of whatever kind and the government knows you, why do you tribalize the arrest of Tut to an extent of asking members of Nuer community to leave the government?

Here is a secret. You are not the only youth group that does not like the way the government is managing the affairs of South Sudan. The youth have a common enemy – the ruling SPLM party which is made up of our aunts and uncles. Do you not think it is about time every young South Sudanese ceases being a kuku, Murle or Anyuak?

Millions of youth are yearning for a change. Why can you not join hands for a bigger, stronger and smarter body that could act as a mouthpiece for all the young people in the country?

You have a beautiful name though… Nuer Youth Executive Council!
Yours sincerely,
Your brother from another tribe called South Sudan. Tearz Ayuen, a journalist based in Juba. Thanks.

Cold and hot wars: The contentious animosity between Nuer and Dinka tribes of South Sudan


Since our country officially became independent on July 9, 2011, which was our collective success, our jubilation faded away after a couple of months because there are people in South Sudan government who cling on their own tactics to fight a cold war against the people of South Sudan, or Nuer tribes, in particular. For the past seven and half years, a millions of dollar has been spent on destruction and trying to bribe others to help a few leaders build their own Empire, for some it is just a shrinking business, for many these was money that should have been better spent on building peace or on development in South Sudan.

I want to take you back to the genesis of contentious animosity between the two cousins, Nuer and Dinka. I have been thinking why there is an enormous hatred between these tribes, because I have been seen the twisted face of hatred. In 1988 we crammed on the Red Tank routed from Baydit of Manyadeng as the local people call it, to Anyidi then to Ajakger and from Ajakger to Gumuruk of Murle territory, an overweight captain three times my size, by the name of Thon Lual slapped me on the face just because I said something in Nuer language.

The only thing I remember was hearing Mr. Lual saying, *NYAGAAT CIN RAN JAM THONGE NUER.* From there on I changed. Not only because I was slapped, but because I was much disturbed by the blatant outpouring of joy from the other Dinka boys who are clearly glad because a Nuer son was humiliated.

South Sudan is a country today, it must be a good idea if we go back and seriously pondered on the worst deeds we did to ourselves. I go back on time and discover that the contentious animosity between Dinka and Nuer was a chronic disease that we needed to give some consideration before we talk about a country and development. Let us go back to what I term as Cold and Hot War: Contentious animosity between Nuer and Dinka.

Dinka Cold War against Nuer:
In the year 1839, when an Egyptian expedition flotilla which tried to discover the source of the White Nile approached a Nuer village on the east bank of Bahr Al-jabal, known today as Fangak, that was inhabited by Jagei Laak and Thiang, the villager flocked to the shore of the river to look at the new sight of large sailing vessels on the river. With the same gesture typical to the Nuer when faced with a surprise, they sacrificed an Ox before returning to their villages.

The Egyptians, however, were confused about the killing of an animal, and then their suspicious where confirmed by a Dinka soldier serving as interpreter, who maliciously and wrongly told the Egyptians that the killing of the animal by the Nuer meant that they were ready to kill you.

Next day, the Nuer villagers returned with gift of goats and tobacco to the Egyptian boat, but when the Dinka soldier again told his masters that the tobacco was poison, the Egyptian soldiers instantaneously opened fire, killing one Nuer, and wounding a few. At this point, Nuer hostility toward foreigners was pushed into high gear. This was intentionally done by the Dinka soldier who regarded Nuer as powerful enemies against Dinka. (Wilson 1903-13)

Again in 1899, the Dinka Leaders who contacted the new government with the stories of Nuer atrocities and belligerence were the same leaders who had been expulsed by Ngundeng and expelled by Deng Lakka. Since they became the government they became subjects whom the government was honor bound to protect. Their largely unfounded report against Nuer aggression forced the government to the legendary confrontation with Ngundeng. Subsequently, the governor of Upper Nile province led patrols against Lou Nuer, the most important homestead of Gun Lou Nuer which was burned and much of their livestock captured.

Despite the despoliation by government soldiers and their Dinka auxiliaries, Ngundeng and most of Lou refused to give battle, it was later confirmed by Dinka informants that Nuer give up fighting because they always felt sorry for Nyarraweng (Nuer-Bil) and Ngok Dinka whom always enjoyed good relationship with Nuer and never wanted trouble. (Wilson 1905)

Another Dinka Cold War against Nuer:
In 1983-84 the jubilation from South Sudanese to join the SPLA/M Liberation force was enormous compared to the jubilation to vote for referendum. Both are reverses by SPLA/M of it being tribalistic, and racist movement as it was and up to date. For the first time of its inception the conduct of SPLA forces was chaotic, with many murders against the civilian population. Especially against Eastern Nuer of Gajaak who had good relation with the separatist movement of Anyanya II.

From the commencement of the movement early inauguration between 1983-7, the SPLM political deployment took a sharp on the tribal line where the Twich Dinka were given significant opportunity for a reason to join and attain military strategic places, with the purpose to defend themselves against the neighboring tribes such as Nuer, Murle, Toposa and Mundari. As it was clear when John Garang gave a speech in Fugnido Refugee camp in 1989, seventy five percent of his speech was all against Late Samuel Gai Tut Yang, Nyanya I, Nyanya II, and their so-called wicked belief for South Sudan independence.

This proved my suspicions that John Garang was a tangible Arab proxy who tried to stop Southerners from achieving their goal of South-Sudan independence. As the story suggested that Garang was not part of revolution, he first tried to stop it, but when things got tough, he followed them anyway to keep his dirty secret of making sure South-Sudan independence will not be achieved.

I should say, unapologetically, in a heart-beat that his death was a blessing in disguise, for Southerners, but great tragedy to the people of Abyei, Nuba Mountains and Ingesena, who all shared his view of a secular united Sudan.

When the historic Nasir declaration was announced on August 28, 1991, by two former members of the High Command of the SPLA, Riek Machar and Lam Akol issued a radio message that called for the removal of Garang from leadership. Initially, Machar and Akol blamed their defection from the SPLA/M on the dictatorial leadership of Garang, and on the accusation that Garang committed countless human rights abuses against SPLA/M members. This announcement opened a huge door for Nyanya II rebels who had great grumbles against the SPLA/SPLM leader and his Dinka tribe.

Nyanya II rebels quickly rushed to Bor areas in great excitement for the first time in a decade, and the result was historic. Beich State commander, Simon Gatwich Dual, who is recently now arrested by Dinka conspirators in Juba, was the commander who protected Bor Dinka from being attacked by Anyanya II groups, since he became an ally who offered no resistance and the result was catastrophic.

For the first time in the history of Nuer and Dinka animosity, Late George Athors army killed forty seven civilian in Fangak County in the summer of 2009, and for second time in 2011, after South Sudan referendum vote. Again late George army killed one hundred and thirty two (132) civilians in Phom Chuol Deang. Then Fangak sons and daughters in the army intervened. Now Fangak people are happy that late George Athor is too power-less to kill them again. Hey, they cannot be too sure.

SPLA/M soldiers with big guns opened fire on Fangak Nuer indiscriminately on men, women and even children after a battle with fighters belonging to their minority ethnic group, killing and wounding hundreds of civilians, according to witness accounts contained in confidential U.N. reports. A U.N. team that traveled to the Nile River village 11 days after the April 23 killings saw more than two dozen corpses and said grass-roofed mud huts clearly contained many more bodies, the team confirmed the death toll of two hundred and fifty seven (254) dead civilians.

But the number given by a local official is 389 which have not been independently verified by UN-teams. Despite all these killings, Junglei state authority never paid a visit to Fangak County. All these killings are taking place in Fangak Nuer, plus various massacres of over a thousand people in Uror, Akobo and Mayom Counties from western Nuer. If you do the math, a quarter of people who voted for the independence of South Sudan are robbed of their lives by their own government which claimed to protect them only a couple of months before they celebrated the birth of South Sudan Nation.

Inarguably, the worst part is there is no justice for their lives, and worse than this, the military prison somewhere in Equatoria is stamped with people who has been wrongfully accused of trying to assassinate Benydit Salva Kiir Mayardit. People, if SPLA/M learned anything from its extensive failure and butchery, they should recognize that Samuel Gai Tut Yang death will forever stalk the SPLM down for many years to come, unlike the death of hundreds of thousands of South Sudanese leaders who are slayed in cold blood by those fictitious to-be the leaders of our nation today, shame on them.

In conclusion, I should argue that our government violent attitude toward its own citizens would produce more militants and more crimes, but less economic stability. For example, killing of Nuer in all four counties, intimidation methods, persecution without due process, incarceration punishment, would produce public outcry.

The fact that the government claims to be a democratic government, it should act like one. It should only react to unlawful violent behavior without any repression. That means to identify the criminal and disengage the suspect from wrong doing. In short, Southerners should declare an all-out war against outlaw militants and that should eradicate the bad elements in our society.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not the website)
For concern, comment or question please do not hesitated to part with me @; or
Thank and take care!!
Pajok Kong Kulang, USA:

Who will have the final word over the *Mile 14 Area*?

By: Justin Ambago Ramba, UK, OCT. 25/2012;

Following the 27th September agreement we have all known that things in Juba deteriorated immediately making an already bad situation to become worse. Politicians and citizens went bananas, especially so the elected Governor of Northern Bahr Ghazal (Aweil) who came out openly to denounce the inclusion of the *Mile 14 Area* within the would-be demilitarized zone along the ill-defined border between South Sudan and the Sudan. This marks a new chapter in the Arab encroachment on the Black African indigenous populations lands. This is a historical phenomenon in which the Black Africans have to continuously recede from the land and allow the movement of the Arab borders further south into the interior!

In the different Media Outlets, many South Sudanese have also expressed their disappointments on the different parts of the Salva Kiir administration since it has gone both politically and socio-economically bankrupt as a result of the poor leadership and widespread corruption.

On the other hand, President Salva Kiir and his Defense Minister wasted no time and rushed to Uganda to seek a long time allys advice none other than President Musseveni of Uganda who knows too well that underneath the New Two Sudans Accord lies a disaster for the entire region.

However, at this stage the embattled Truce at its face value definitely remains a Sudanese baby (shared responsibility between Juba and Khartoum) until proved otherwise. But considering the historical bumpy relationship that has existed between the two sides which stretches for well over a century, honoring of agreements in this part of the world is a thing hard to expect.

What followed in the two countries parliaments came as no surprise to anyone. It was not and still is not a thing that warrants anyone to be a genius to know in advance the positions of those MPs when it comes to endorsement of the government-led policies or agreements. The September Cooperation Agreement was not any different and therefore, it was easily ratified by both the SPLM-dominated parliament in Juba and its counterpart in Omdurman. Both institutions are identical in their compositions and function in a similar way, for both were created to rubber-stamped the parties policies.

But what surprised people including many members of the foreign diplomatic missions is that those who took to the streets as well as those who voiced their opposition to the Agreement either in the Media or otherwise are predominantly from the country northern front-line. This came as a shock to many given the fact that almost all those who by design represent the SPLM delegation to all the talks in Addis Ababa actually hail from these areas. Things obviously went this way, because the SPLM leadership has taken to the habit of taking the citizens for granted. And the fact that until now they are unable to successfully communicate the SPLM/NCP Cooperation Agreement to their home constituencies does speak loads.

However, the worrying development is no other but Governor Paul Malong Awan of Northern Bahr Ghazal position on the embattled September Cooperation Agreement. The defiant Governor came out very strongly right from the outset against the inclusion of the *14 Mile Area* in the would be demilitarized buffer zone between the two nations. The Governor position is also supported by many citizens from the Northern Bahr al Ghazal when they demonstrated in the streets of Juba.

But now that the country parliament has ratified the Cooperation Agreement in spite of the stern opposition from MPs from Northern Bahr al Ghazal State leaves some citizens and politicians with bitter tastes in their mouths. It also proves the point that the ruling party which holds 99.9% of the MP seats has gone to widen the ethnic and regional rift within the SPLM and the country at large.

Things did not end there as Governor Paul Malong Awan came back again very strongly and I quote: *The Governor of South Sudan Northern Bahr El Ghazal on Monday said that he will *fight* anyone who tries to take from his state a contested area on the border with neighboring Sudan*. (Sudan Tribune 22/10/12)

*We will fight the person who will take our land and the person who will give our land.* Governor Malong Awan stressed.

The above strong statements from the Governor will obviously raise eyebrows worldwide, but more so in New York and Addis Ababa. This is so because the issue of *Mile 14 Area* is now an integral part of the security arrangement between the governments of the two countries. Should the Governor go ahead to implement his threats then South Sudan will be witnessing the emergence of yet another armed opposition in Northern Bahr Ghazal.

However, the coming weeks will tell the rest of the story when the September Addis Ababa Cooperation Agreement moves to the implementation stage. As for now, the political atmosphere is gravid with so many uncertainties. With the UNSC Chapter Seven firmly held over the heads of President Salva Kiir and his counterpart President Al Bashir, all must abide with the African Union High Implementation Panel (AUHIP) brokered Agreement or risk the wrath of the International Community. At least this is what the UN Security Council resolution 2046 stands for.

Whichever way things go it is now clear that the new arrangements are about to consolidate the Abyei Area and now joined by *Mile 14 Area* as political hot spots. Nonetheless, the billion dollar question is: Who will have the final word over the *Mile 14 Area* given the huge discontent in Northern Bahr Ghazal State and especially so Governor Paul Malong Awan who seems to be ready to physically or militarily resist the inclusion of *Mile 14 Area* as part of this controversial agreement?

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not of the website)
Author: Dr. Justin Ambago Ramba, Secretary General of the United South Sudan Party (USSP). He can be reached at: or

North America’s Nuer Youth call for popular uprising

Press release
Nuer Community in Canada and USA
Date: 23/10/12, SSN;
After deliberating for three days, the intellectuals of Nuer community in Canada and USA composed of Youth, women and elders, came to the conclusion that the regime in Juba does not any longer represent the interests of the people of South Sudan because it has been busy implementing policies which target non-Dinka communities. The policies of extermination the regime in Juba employed started with the massacre of Shilluks in 2010 in Upper Nile State where the entire Shilluk Kingdom was burned to ashes. Up to now, Shilluk women are subject to rape and young men are arbitrarily detained without regard to law and due process. The mistreatment of Shilluks is documented by the US State Department in Country Report and nobody can question the ordeal our Shilluk brothers and sisters are going through in the hands of the rogue SPLA army commanded by war criminals.

The human rights abuses against innocent Murle people is well documented by UNMISS and Human Rights Watch. According to our sources, more than two thousands Murle women have been raped since the SPLA started disarmament in Jonglei state in May, 2012. The SPLA commander, Lt. Gen. Kuol Diem Kuol, is on record in defending mistreatment of Murle because he was given specific orders by Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit to use tactics which do not conform to international norms in the process of disarmament.

The raping of Murle women and the mistreatment of entire Murle community came about because Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir is on record saying that Murle people have infertility problem and the only way to increase their population by treating infertility is for SPLA army to rape their women. The SPLA army, which was sent to Murleland for disarmament, was given clear mandate, that is, raping Murle women was part of the treatment of infertility. Those who want to watch Gen. Kiir position on Murles infertility should go to

On October 14, 2012, Jonglei state MP from Murle community, Judi Jonglei Boyuris, rejected what he called the South Sudan armys (SPLA) treatment of members of the Murle ethnic group *as enemies* ( There is no question that the SPLA army in Murleland committed crimes against humanity in violation of the statute of International Criminal Court (ICC).

What remains is whether the international community would indict Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed against an identifiable group like Murle. The SPLA leadership sent forces to Mureland with an intention of punishing them as MP Judi Jonglei Boyuris said. Unfortunately, the international community has let down Murle and up to now, Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir has not yet been indicted of committing war crimes.

On March, 30, 2012, the Nuer community in USA and Canada condemned the indiscriminate killings of ten Bari civilians in Komeru suburb of Juba between March, 4th and 5th. After conducting an investigation of the causes of the killings, the Nuer community concluded that the Bari civilians were deliberately targeted by members of the SPLA army because of their ethnicity. The investigation discovered that the land grabbers who defied demolition order of the State of Central Equatoria were acting under the orders of some SPLA generals who built houses in the same area that was supposed to be demolished.

The SPLA army land grabbers ordered the Dinka soldiers to shoot any member of Bari community to thwart the demolition order. The rationale for killing innocent Bari civilians was to contaminate the political environment in order to make it difficult for Central Equatoria State to carry out the demolition order.

The leadership of the Nuer community in Canada and USA pledged its allegiance to Nuer Youth in South Sudan and agreed on the followings:

1. The executive leadership came to conclusion that the government of Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit has a policy to eliminate Nuer figures. The assassination of Lt. Gen. Gatluak Gai on July, 23rd, 2011, after signing peace on July, 19, is one indication that the Dinka leadership in Juba wants to eliminate Nuer figures one by one.

2. The policy of eliminating Nuer figures is something which dated back to 1980s when the SPLM/A under the leadership of late Col. John Garang assassinated Col. Samuel Gai Tut who was the leader of Anyanya II. His successor, Col. William Chuol Deng Luoth, was also assassinated by the SPLM/A. Moreover, after 1991 Nasir Declaration, more than seven hundred Nuer officers of the SPLA/M were murdered in cold-blood in Greater Equatoria and Bahr El Ghazal by the orders of the SPLM/A leadership. One of the architects of the policy of eliminating Nuer officers after Riek Machars coup of 1991 was the current sitting President of South Sudan.

3. The policies of assassinating Nuer figures continued up to present day. In March, 2011, the government of South Sudan agreed to make peace with forces of Maj. Gen. James Gai Yoach and told them to assemble at Mayom County. After luring them to a designated area in the name of peace, the forces of Maj. Gen. James Gai Yoach were attacked. Similar tactics were employed on April, 25th, 2011 when the SPLA forces attacked Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang at Kaldak village after signing peace with him.

4. The policy of exterminating the Nuer was also manifested in the way the SPLM/A committed serious human rights abuses against the Nuer civil population since the inception of the Movement in 1983. The Nuer were the first Southern civil population that was ethnically cleansed and massacred by the SPLA forces in 1985. The first bullets of the SPLM/A Movement were fired at Eastern Nuer of Gajaak clan where over 26 villages were burned down to ashes, while the hundreds of innocent women, children and elderly peoples were murdered between 1985 and 1987. The policy of massacring Nuer population was also implemented in Fangak and Bul Nuer areas in the same period.

5. After the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the same policy of exterminating the Nuer was also implemented. Prior to the signing of the CPA, Dinka leaders of the SPLM/A secretly met in Yei and passed what is now known as *Thirty Nine Laws against the Nuer.* Among those laws was the plan to assassinate Nuer figures and exterminating civilians. In 2006, the SPLA army embarked on putting those policies into action in Nuerland under the pretext of disarming the civilians. Hundreds of villages were burned where girls and elderly women were raped. Extermination of Nuer civil population was also manifested in Kaldak village and Mayom County this year.

6. The policy of marginalizing the Nuer and other ethnic groups of the South is something that is done in broad daylight. Despite the fact that the Vice-president is a Nuer, marginalization and mistreatment of Nuer and other Southerners continued unabated. In most occasions, Dr. Riek Machar is not consulted by the President of South Sudan, Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir, because he is being used as a symbol to mask Dinka policies of dominating South Sudan by treating other ethnic groups as second class citizens.

7. Most institutions of the government of South Sudan are being dominated by Dinka tribe despite the fact that Dinka are only 25% of South Sudan population. Recently, President Salva Kiir appointed his own clansmen from his home town as Chief Justice of South Sudan Supreme Court and Chairman of the Bank of South Sudan. In 2009, the same Salva Kiir decided that oil refinery of the South will be built in his home state of Warrap instead in Unity State where oil comes from in order to take jobs to his state.

8. The Nuer Youth in Juba shall mobilize the Nuer in the world, particularly those in South Sudan, to defend their tribe from extermination and release Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Dual, Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang, Maj. Gen. Mabor Dhol and Brig. Gen. Gatwec Joak. The Nuer Youth shall mobilize the Nuer in the villages to free themselves from Kiir regime.

9. The Nuer community in North America endorsed the dismissal of Lt. Gen. James Hoth Mai from Nuer community in the world. The Nuer community in North America also calls on Nuer leadership in Juba to jettison Thomas Tut Doap, John Luk, Riek Machar, Chuol Rambang and John Kong Nyuon from Nuer community as soon as possible.

10. The Nuer community has come to realization that Thomas Tut Doap, who is a Deputy Director General of Pensions and Social Insurance in Juba, was paid by Kiir regime to mobilize some elders who are only concerned for jobs to turn against the Nuer Youth mobilization against the regime. This man has been feeding on the blood of Nuer since 1983 and is known to have killed Nuer in the SPLM/A in 1980s.

1. The Nuer community calls upon other tribes of the South to unite with the Nuer Youth to reverse Dinka domination in South Sudan which has replaced old Sudan Arabism and Islamism. There is no solution for ongoing human rights abuses in South Sudan except through popular uprising. The Youth in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya liberated their countries by going to streets to overthrow corrupt regimes which were feeding on the blood of young people. Therefore, the Nuer community calls upon Murle Youth, Equatoria youth, Shilluk youth and Dinka youth to unite with Nuer youth to topple the regime of dictator Salva Kiir Mayardit from power.

2. After the total destruction of the regime of Dictator Salva Kiir, the South Sudan youth shall establish a democratic government which will observe freedom of speech, expression, rule of law, justice and equality of all ethnic groups. Corruption and land grabbing in South Sudan will end only when the regime of Dictator Salva Kiir is overthrown.

Signed by,
Mr. Bidit Liech,
Head of the Committee of Nuer community in Canada and USA
Tel. (780) 607 0742

Elizabeth Nyachuol Tut,
Deputy Head of the Committee of Nuer community in Canada and USA

Mr. Gatluk Chuol Reat,
Secretary of the Committee of Nuer community in Canada and USA
Tel. (226) 600 2703

Lul Gatkuoth Nguth
Tel. 55877100405
Member of the committee of Nuer community in Canada and USA
(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the authors and not of the website)

In reaction to Nuer Youth outrageous message on Gen. Gatwic’s detention

BY: Thomas Tut Doap, JUBA, OCT. 23/2012, SSN;
As a mature and well-informed member of the Nuer community, I would like to enlighten the public at large that what has been circulating in the media these days is unbecoming, given the fact that it promotes the tribal sentiments. I have been closely following the events from all media outlets, but failed to see and hear any meaningful response from the members of our community, who are also members of our government.

Mr. Chuol Rambang, the Chairperson of the South Sudan Peace Commissions message does not carry enough weight to dissuade the negative ramifications that would be brought about by the youth actions, following Maj-Gen. Simon Gatwec detention.

For this author, if Gen. Simon Gatwec was arrested because of being a Nuer, as those youth wanted us to believe, the negative reaction would have started in Bilpam, where the Minister of Defence, the Chief of General Staff, and many more Generals are Nuer.

Having said that, this writer has all the rights and responsibilities to address this issue as follows:

1. Those Nuer youth who are trying to mingle things up by applying wrong information that will produce disaster to all innocent people must be adviced that we are in an independent country, where things must be done systematically.

2. Nuer Youth must be told that having a big gap with their elderly community will never solve their problem. I am saying this because, if what happened to Simon Gatwec was a wrong thing, our people who are in the leadership would have approached the president and advised him accordingly. Therefore, what they are trying to preach is and will not receive any support from our grown up community which is fully aware of what happened. As such, they must not allow themselves to be lugged into a situation they do not have more details about.

3. Gen. Isaac Mabutu Mamuor was detained by the same authority, which detained Gat Dual, but there was no negative reaction from Lutuku community. Does that mean Mabutu is not being loved by his people, or Lutuku are cowards? Where is Gen Mamuor today? He was released and re-instated into the Rank and File of the same Army. By applying violent behavior to release Uncle Gat Dual is only jeopardizing his future.

4. This country is now free and independent through Youth strength, but if you misuse your strength and turn against one another, then forget about your statement which said, *As youth, we believe that a peaceful South Sudan is our priority and will benefit us more than President Kiir who is getting old. The future of South Sudan belongs to the youth and we are the last sector of Nuer community to see South Sudan on fire.*

5. If history could not be a good teacher, then what are we going to learn from it? If being a Nuer is really what matters, why did most Nuer intellectuals and military officers desert Riek Machaars Nasir faction and re-join SPLM/A main stream led by Dinka? Please be advice to think big and open-minded. Observe, analyse and see things positively and in the big picture.

6. You are now calling for other tribes to help you fight Dinka. Take it from me here that that call has fallen into deaf ears. No single tribe will ever unite with Nuer to fight Dinka, they will only be making fun of you. Other tribes could unite with you only when you call them to win a peaceful and democratically conducted election. Gone are the yester-years when physical strengths were useful. We must use our intellectual power to correct things.

7. It never happened and never will happen to any President to be intimidated by a tribal youth organization which is acting in isolation to change an executive order. NBG (Northern Bahr elgazal state) youth had tried something like that, but miserably failed. Dinka Bor Youth organization had a similar call, but nothing changed.

Therefore, Maj. Gen Simon Gatwec Dual will be released when the time comes for that and not because the Nuer youth have declared war on Dinka. You are causing tribal tensions which could be exploited by our real enemies to harm the whole nation.

As long as the earth remains, there will be no Nuer government without Dinka and vice versa. Do not show our blind side to the world because of a solvable glitch. This is one of the political hiccups that is better left for the leadership to deal with, and not at the youth level as you think.

This is my advice to you my sons and daughters. Do not lose hope on your nation. Things will get changed, peacefully.

Mile 14 in the Security Arrangement: Failure, Arrogance or Lack of Popular Understanding?

South Sudan politics is beginning to move along the customary of realpolitik. Just recently, the populace living on the new countrys borders voiced their misgivings over land issues in the governments agreement with Khartoum. Their grievances appear to have been ignored without proper explanations and the political latitude tilted towards religion. South Sudan is now sending her first independent black Muslims to Mecca on a presidential sanction to cast their pebbles at kaaba al musharraffa (the black stone) in a ritual move that will define one of the SPLMs premises of the New Sudan built on equality of all races and favouring freedom of religion.

As many South Sudanese do not hold any bad feelings towards those who have fought to have their freedom of worship recognised in the theology of colour-blindness, expectations are that the same support the president extended to potential black sheikhs, where they must travel to Saudi Arabia without having to go through any religious medium, be also extended to those who fought for so long to gain the land and oil resources within it.

Two days after South Sudan legislative assembly ratified the nine bilateral agreements including Mile 14 in a near unanimous vote, the Minister of Petroleum and Mining, Stephen Dhieu, ordered oil companies to commence operation with immediate effect through Sudans oil infrastructures. The timing could not be any perfect for the petrified and internationally cornered government of South Sudan that saw the first ever peaceful demonstrations by the citizens against it.

The people of Northern Bahr el Ghazal and other citizens who disapproved of the oil agreement did not see the security arrangement relating to Mile 14 as just a pen and paper temporary arrangement as mediators would want all to believe, but in terms of land and the legal backdrop attached to it.

Unlike the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the two Sudans – a model of accomplishment that should have been adopted for peaceful deliberations by South Sudans ruling party (The SPLM) with Sudan which was first communicated to the citizens from grassroots to diaspora by late Dr. John Garang, the already missed savviest negotiator and architect of peace in the Sudan – oil agreement becomes visible to have been a shove down the throat to the citizens.

If there is anything that South Sudan government must be credited for, it is the sincerity and easy lending of its sensitive documentations, classified or otherwise. The nine bilateral agreements instantaneously hit the web the moment they were signed in Addis Ababa on the 27 September, 2012 and by the time president Kiir and his mediators arrived in Juba, South Sudan capital, the populace had already gurgled the contents of the agreement and were waiting to hear from their face-down heroes.

When this awareness took a little longer, mile 14 people, Abyei people and the people of Panthou, Karsana and other contested areas made no concealed articulation of their fears. They demonstrated on the streets of Juba and around South Sudan parliament amidst gunfire in the air. Inside the parliament the president was not substantively convincing the lawmakers to make the right decision but coerced them to ratify the agreement through his hard language and denigration of the protesters outside the building.

But what exactly is in the security arrangement involving Mile 14 between Sudan and South Sudan that warranted mediators and president arrogance in communicating with the South Sudanese affected by the agreement?

The agreement was actually simple. A high school student or a sophomore dropout without difficulty could understand it. It is this simplicity that the people quickly understood it. And in simple summary, it can be stated that the security arrangement over mile 14 deviated from the CPA path and the essence of fighting for the land and the negotiators, under pressure, created by admission of a problem from out of the blue thereby subjecting the land of Dinka Malual to future legal contest.

It had further exposed and compromised the security of the people in area who had for ages battled for their survival single-handedly in the hope that a future nation in which they would be part of would not kowtow under any stress but to stand with them.

This summary has no nonsensical legal jargon that needs consultancy. It is therefore surprising that South Sudanese mediators and the president would dare question the intellectual capability of millions who read the document in totality and who felt it was a game of oil flow but in a wrong calculation that will eventually haunt them.

I remember sitting a few meters from the SPLM negotiating panel at Kenyatta International Conference Centre in Nairobi, Kenya in 2004 where Dr. Garang gave a lengthy deconstruction of the Machakos protocols and the intricate arithmetic of oil sharing. When asked about the reason behind equal oil quota allocation in wealth sharing agreement, his argument was fairly simple.

He urged his people to accept fifty percent and use their referendum vote to get the other fifty percent. It is therefore the leader that must have the propensity to make complex agreements clear before adopting them in a binding agreement rather than gloating in a manner suggestive of a reverse of an argument.

South Sudan negotiators, including president Kiir might have a completely different interpretation of the security arrangement about mile 14. This is not a new obsession in the Sudanese politics where the truth is often absurdly entrapped in the opposite plane in order to cause confusion, delay, suffering and domestic and international frustration.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement, negotiated by Dr. Garang, the then sage negotiator for the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army, SPLA, and a soft spoken but powerful vice president of the Sudan, Ali Osman Taha, whose portfolio went to John Garang immediately after the implementation modality went into effect, referred to Abyei referendum participants in two words: Ngok Dinka and others.

Legal experts during the Sudanese peace talks should have known that the word other was the only ambiguous word that any enemies would find any peace with. Abyei referendum is today held hostage by the simple, yet politically loaded term, other. And the word is dragging the Sudans into each other every minute of every day and putting the Ngok Dinka of Abyei and other proper in the abyss of the politics of survival.

It is this assigning of absurdity, double dealing, and what Eric Reeves, a Smith College professor with special interest in Darfur and now the Sudans calls a moral equivalence that differentiates, complicates and sets the parallels in the citizens understanding of the bilateral agreement and president Kiirs and mediators uncommunicated intention of the oil flow first.

The Sudanese and South Sudanese politicians seem to have been misled by past colonial agreements. However, colonial and condominium agreements in the Sudan were not right. Had they been fair, there would have been no wars.

The 1924 Munroe-Wheatley agreement described by Douglas H. Johnson in his book, When boundaries become borders, the impact of boundary making in Southern Sudan frontier zone, seems to have induced a campaign of the border between Sudan and South Sudan and with Rizeigat copying the notoriety that Messeriya Arabs play in Abyeis referendum exercise. We must remember that Munroe-Wheatley agreement initially built on other grazing and hunting rights arrangements of the citizens between Sudan, where Dinka Malual were subjects and Rizeigat, who were citizens of Darfur Sultanate, later annexed to Sudan in 1916.

In fact, and much to the chagrin of South Sudanese who were not at ease with the current security arrangement involving Mile14, the book, published in 2010, has hinted on page 45 that GoSS had earlier considered demilitarisation of mile 14. The predetermined demilitarisation will therefore leave many to question whether recent Addis Ababa oil agreement was a pre-emptive ratification of government policy regarding Mile 14 by the negotiators, and if so, what then were the security guarantees for the people living in the area?

Dissimilar to the Sudanese mediators who sometimes admit guilt and shed tears, their South Sudanese counterparts have no nonsense in the politics of apologies. Once confronted, as was the case of Mile 14, they beat their chests in a gorilla-style show of force and swing any blame back to the people in a new bag stamped on as lack of understanding and failure to read the agreement.

President Kiir had been on record where he is seen to have taken side in the row but took matters to a higher level. He boasted to the demonstrators outside the national assembly about the length of time he spent fighting for the land, which he was accused of surrendering to Sudan through admittance of contention over it. Little was he aware that in the crowd were SPLA veterans who, in 1982 had already joined the Anya Nya Two and fought for the land while he was still speculating whether to take to bush or not.

Logically, if arrogance and wealth were to be awarded in South Sudan based on the length of time in the service, then the lion share still has not found the right consumers.

Actions of South Sudan government following disagreement with the Sudan over oil transit fees are indeed a conjecture that should allow people to question the par excellence of SPLM political negotiations skills and gun-wielding bluffs.

The recent agreement that fits a relationship of commensalism with Sudan have raised doubts among the majority of the people, with some introspecting if late Dr. Garang were to be alive, whether he would have been threatened by a leak on oil pipeline, his nations vital artery to the point of summarily shutting it down without arrangements in place, or whether he would, as a consequence of oil theft during export, encourage South Sudanese, through adding more lands to the contest, to enter a post CPA relationship of commensalism with Sudan?

Even nobody knows what other leaders would do in a similar situation, proper imagination is that the nation house of law would implement the codes of democracy bequeathed upon it.

As for the legislative assembly of South Sudan, we are yet to witness its democratic independence where the power to ratify an agreement for oil flows has equal measure with the power to order a shut down.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not of the website)
Martin Garang is a South Sudanese living in Western Australia. He can be reached at

Nuer Youth call for anti-government mobilization as leader arrested by South Sudan security

Media Release

Nuer Youth Executive Council, Juba, South Sudan

Main points:
* Peter Tut Hoth, Nuer Youth president forcefully arrested by Military intelligence, allegedly all Dinka
* SPLA Chief-of-Staff, James Hoth Mai, dismissed and banned from Nuer activities
* All Nuers in Kiir’s government asked to resign en mass
* Nuer call for mobilization with other tribes against current government of president Kiir

OCT. 20/2012, SSN; The Nuer Youth Executive leadership is profoundly disturbed to inform the whole world that the Nuer Youth leader, Peter Tut Hoth, was detained at 6 am in Juba by ten armed members of SPLA Military Intelligence (MI). The reason for his detention is because he scheduled a meeting of entire Nuer community to take place on Saturday, October 20, between 1—5pm.

On October, 19, 2012, the security agents of the government warned the leadership of Nuer Youth not to go ahead with the meeting. However, the Nuer Youth Executive leadership rejected the intimidations and decided that the meeting should take place as scheduled.

The whereabouts of Peter Tut Hoth is unknown and the entire Nuer community is concerned about his safety. He was picked up by heavily armed security agents all of them from Dinka tribe. He was pushed with the barrels of AK-47s and one agent was heard calling him Nyagat (fifth columnist). The way he was picked up is a cause for concern because our community fears that the security organs may be torturing him by now.

In 1990s, any Nuer deemed as “Nyagat” by the SPLA leadership was likely to be executed in prison. The behavior of the SPLA guerrillas has not changed with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and anyone detained by the SPLA is subject to torture. Besides, the fact that Peter Tut is a Nuer and the security agents who detained him are Dinka is another factor that should cause concern.

Tribal hatred is now on the rise in South Sudan because the SPLA C-in-C has endorsed a policy which targets Nuer community. The Nuer are being regarded as enemies of the state who have no constitutional rights.

Despite the arrest of the leader of Nuer Youth, the meeting took place as scheduled and was attended by all Nuer members of Parliament, ministers, civil servants and army generals including the SPLA Chief-of-General-staff, Lt. Gen. James Hoth Mai.

The Nuer community in general discussed the problem of detention of Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Dual, Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang, Maj. Gen. Mabor Dhol and Brig. Gen. Gatwec Joak. The Nuer community unanimously passed the following resolutions:

1. Lt. Gen. James Hoth Mai, the SPLA Chief-of-General-staff, was dismissed from Nuer community because he violated bylaws of Nuer community which required all members to observe the rights of every Nuer such as right to life, liberty and security of the person. The Nuer general assembly found him to have participated in the assassination attempt against Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang, Maj. Gen. Mabor Dhol and Brig. Gen. Gatwec Joak. He is also found to have endorsed the illegal detention of Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Dual.

Since the Nuer community bylaws required all the members to promote human values such as freedom, justice, equality and the rule of law, James Hoth violated all these principles and is seen to have turned against the values of the community. He is therefore dismissed from the community and was told that he would never participate in any community’s activities.

2. The Nuer Youth in South Sudan were mandated to educate the Nuer in the rural areas about the government’s policies of discriminating the Nuer. The youth are tasked to mobilize the Nuer community to defend themselves from imminent threats of extermination.

3. The community resolved that Maj. Gen. Simon Gatwec Dual, Maj. Gen. Gabriel Tang, Maj. Gen. Mabor Dhol and Brig. Gen. Gatwec Joak should be released as soon as possible. If the Dinka’s government failed to release them, the Nuer Youth are given the responsibility to express their disapproval for their illegal detentions through demonstrations, petitions and mobilizing Nuer chiefs.

4. The Nuer community urged all Nuer members of parliament, military officers, politicians and civil servants to resign from the government of Salva Kiir and stay in their houses. The youth advised elders that the Nuer should not take part in the government which is killing them.

5. The assembly resolved that the Nuer should form an alliance with other South Sudanese who are against oppression and injustice. The Nuer youth are mandated to work with other South Sudan youths who believe that the people of South Sudan deserve a government which respects human rights, ethnic equality and justice.

For contact:

James Gatluak Chol
Information Secretary
Nuer Youth Executive Council
Juba, South Sudan

South Sudanese skepticism on security deal with Sudan is real

BY: ISAIAH ABRAHAM, JUBA, OCT. 19/2012, SSN; Juba leadership position on the Cooperation Agreement has started to be dismissive and abusive to those questioning some pieces in the agreement. Some of our lawmakers have joined the fray and are out to condemn whoever criticizes the agreement. They have even cracked as there are calling some sections of our society Northern Bahr El Ghazal people versus others. Legislators everywhere have a moral duty to protect the larger interest of the nation and not just their local constituents.

A constituent bigger like South Sudan is what binds us all. It was uncharacteristic, just unfair therefore for lawmakers to abandon local national pressing matters to specific individuals or groups to fight it out. Why leave the border matters to states affected, I have asked such question many times?

MPs for the areas of Mile 14, Abyei and Panthou, Hofra Al Nahas and Kaka are like any other MPs in Western Equatoria, Jonglei, Lakes, etc, whose lands have no dispute with the North.

I found it cruel when the matters in question were left to people affected to sort it out, while the rest of the country goes indifferent. This should not have been the case. The issues of Mile 14, Abyei, Panthou, Hofra Al Nahas are for the entire nation called South Sudan for Northern Bahr El Ghazal, Western Bahr El Ghazal, Western Upper Nile or Northern Upper Nile.

People everywhere are not happy that the negotiators allowed Khartoum a foothold on these lands. We have made a mistake to sign away Mile 14 under the pretext of a buffer zone. No amount of explanation will extinguish the fire of anger against the President and his team on this matter of Mile 14, Panthou and Hofra Al Nahas.

Abyei, Mile 14, Panthou, Hofra Al Nahas and others are becoming disputed because some has entered them by force. These places are 100% South Sudan lands. Our negotiators succumbed to pressure, and hence a failed test for our leadership.

President is to blame squarely on our lands being occupied by Arabs, and now he has gone further to sign away Mile 14. His statement that he will not cede an inch of land to the North comes too late, too little. We are not buying this belated chest thumbing statement from the man we all know his frequent promises. We know him better. No one has faith in Arbitration Court courses.

Who is this that wants to fool us that the argument is not about land but military disengagement? Someone argues that it is just a temporary arrangement to allow forces to disengage and later on the border demarcation will determine the real owners of the land. That is a lie.

Buffer Zone practice is applied when the two sides lay claims on an area. Mile 14 if it becomes a claim area, then we have already such claims areas where one side is left alone – recall Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) is firmly in Panthou, Hofra El Nahas, Kaka and Kofi Kingi, why did the policy of buffers not apply there?

The same way mediators avoided Panthou, Hofra Al Nahas and other lands that are disputed, where Sudanese Armed Forced are embedded or firmly in control, it should have been the case for Mile 14.

Mile 14 has never been a disputed land as do the Southern occupied lands. Mile 14 is used by Rezeigat Arabs during the summer, demilitarizing it after Sudan Army was chased away from there makes it an automatic disputed land.

Badme, a disputed territory at the heart of conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea was awarded in 2002 to Eritrea by UN backed Commission but to date the Ethiopians troops are firmly on the ground. Is that scenario not going to repeat itself in our case for Mile 14, Pantou, Hofra Al Nahas and other disputed areas? I do think so.

Majority of our people are stricken with fear that someone has not articulated well to protect the right of people on our land. We have lost out our rightful lands to Sudan through cowardly and ignorant decisions or both.

Why is it that our leaders want to play politics in the face of an anomaly? This is arrogance at best and skulduggery.

Our leaders know where the truth is, but are not telling it. The issue of Mile 14 and other disputed lands is not a small thing for the head of state to dare sarcastically the people who oppose the deal to go to war.

Sir, people will go to war with you first if you do not stop your clumsy approach to such critical matters of our existence. Khartoum has found a weak character they can manipulate.

In the face of challenges our president has clearly become another challenge to our people. Our people did not elect Kiir to give away our land, and then spew disparagingly at his disgruntled people.

Mr. President sharpened his derogatory remarks against those opposed to the agreement during his address to security officers on Tuesday that those who are unhappy with the agreement are people who were with the Jalaba/Diaspora, and never had time to fight with him in the bush.

How about me, sir, I was with you in one of the battalions (Tiger/Tumsah) you led, what will you say about me? I participated in the demonstration on Monday in Juba, all the way to parliament, to denounce the buffer zone dog for Mile 14. I went there but for reasons known to all. We had expected our lawmakers to reverse the arrangement on Mile 14 and go with the rest of the agreement.

To us, we thought that someone have given away our land in exchange for oil deal with Khartoum. The document should not have gone like that, people. Unfortunately, little did we know that Kiir has become another (Abyei Chief) Deng Majok who exchanged his ancestral land rights for a single meal.

Shame on Kiir and his cohorts! Kiir must go! He is a useless leader this country could have. His foul mouthing is not tolerable anymore.

Get it right and just to emphasize the matter we are trying to say, we are not rejecting the Cooperation Agreement with the Sudan, especially for an agreement that will last for a few years. But if the matter touches land, it becomes so complex to clear even after the expiry time.

The agreement is not all bad. People became happy that at least the oil production will flow again for the economy to resuscitate and that there will be relative harmony between Sudan and South Sudan, once belligerent countries.

But look, there are eight (8) agreements for the intended cooperation, but the one known as security agreement has spoiled the rest. The agreement has no meaning if the issues of Panthou, Kaka, Abyei, Hofra El Nahas and Mile 14 are not resolved. The security agreement should have been thrown out of the window by the lawmakers until grievances or grey areas surrounding these matters are resolved.

This is where we are coming, the issues of land are so grave for anyone to dip his/her fingers into.

Our president should own it up. This is what we are saying and he got to fix it. He failed to show leadership, so do the lawmakers in our land. Our legislators could have torn the document and made amendments before ratifying them.

What is this argument that if the president signs it the document, it cannot be challenged. Who is this god in South Sudan that when he does something it cannot be reversed? Whether Kiir or Garang signed it, people are more supreme. They can redo what has been botched for the good of all.

Mile 14 and Panthou are sold out for no reasons at all. Oil or no oil, we have been cheated by a ruthless clique in Juba. To them the agreement is excellent, the agreement has not been understood, the media has failed to articulate it to the people, reactionary forces are behind the rejection of the agreement, insignificant number in our society, people who objected to the agreement are diaspora and that they also opposed CPA but later cheered it when the flag was raised. That is utter nonsense.

Majority of our people are not opposing the agreement for the sake of it but had hoped that the leadership in Juba would do the necessary changes before going for a law. Bad deals create more troubles than solutions and hence uncalled for under the face of realities surrounding our rights.

My people have suffered under President Kiir and his heartless clique, I have no kind words again against these people. The demonstration we made as people of South Sudan on Monday, not as Northern Bahr El Ghazal people, will go down in history as the beginning of things to come.

Mr. President is not apologetic and this is worrying. The people of this country deserve a leader that respects their views. We have never had problems with him since he accidently ascended to power in 2005, because the situation dictated that people exercise patience.

For the past eight years we have learned bitterly that Mr. Kiir is the problem and should be removed. He has failed us in many fronts, and on this matter of land he must not be forgiven. Our men in uniform in Mile 14 therefore are to remain in their places and let Mulana Makuei, Mbeki or Pagan come and dislodge them by force. AU must deploy any troops around Mile 14. We will see how to go about Panthou and Abyei now that someone is selling our lands to Arabs.

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author and not the website).
Isaiah Abraham lives in Juba; he is on